Se invita a las agrupaciones, militantes, activistas, simpatizantes y a la ciudadanía en general a participar del acto recordativo de quien tanto hiciera por la felicidad del Pueblo y la grandeza de la Patria.
Fuente: La Corriente Avanza
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Conmemoración del 37º aniversario de la muerte de Juan Domingo Perón
Se invita a las agrupaciones, militantes, activistas, simpatizantes y a la ciudadanía en general a participar del acto recordativo de quien tanto hiciera por la felicidad del Pueblo y la grandeza de la Patria.
Evita dejó su marca en la Legislatura de Buenos Aires
A partir del paradigma llamado Juan Domingo Perón y todo ese movimiento sociopolítico, la Legislatura Porteña –en su momento Concejo Deliberante de Buenos Aires- cargó sus muros con la energía y el trabajo de Eva Duarte de Perón, la siempre polémica Evita.
Y es que precisamente en la sede del entonces Concejo Deliberante de Buenos Aires, en uno de los salones del recinto, Evita instaló las oficinas de la Fundación que creó y dirigió hasta su muerte, el 26 de julio de 1952, a través de la que, para unos “daba el pescado, pero no enseñaba a pescarlo” y para otros, para sus descamisados, lo que daba era no sólo ayuda en especie, sino la esperanza de poder vivir mejor.
Es justo aquí donde la polémica nunca termina, pero indudablemente, Evita en la legislatura dejó una huella que, con ojos de quien lo mira desde afuera, sin las pasiones intrínsecas de la sociedad argentina sino simplemente con ojos de quien no sólo aprecia la historia, sino también la magnificencia de la arquitectura y la decoración; de quien no puede sustraerse a interpretar la existencia de un lujo exagerado en cada detalle como muestra de poder superior… en fin, de quien sabe por boca de quienes la conocieron, la trataron y la vivieron, que la existencia de Evita y su paso por estas paredes dejó una carga que, dicen, perdura a través del tiempo.
RazonEs de Ser
La Mesa del FpV Mar del Plata/Batán apoya a Télam Federal
LA MESA DEL FRENTE PARA LA VICTORIA
MAR DEL PLATA-BATAN
APOYA A TELAM FEDERAL
La Mesa del Frente para la Victoria Mar del Plata-Batán celebra la iniciativa de la llegada de Télam Federal a la ciudad de Mar del Plata y destaca la impronta puesta a la Agencia por su actual Presidente Martín García, quien en concordancia con los lineamientos marcados por nuestra Presidenta y conductora del Proyecto Nacional y Popular, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, viene redistribuyendo a lo largo y a lo ancho del territorio nacional, la información que produce.
El derecho a la información es algo que asiste a cada uno de los ciudadanos de nuestro país y el instrumento que Télam Federal pone a libre disponibilidad de los medios genera que la distribución de la palabra vaya siendo cada vez más una concreta realidad en beneficio del conjunto.
En esta oportunidad todos los medios de nuestra ciudad tendrán la posibilidad de sumarse a esta iniciativa, logrando el acceso igualitario y horizontal a todos los servicios de la agencia. Ante esta decisión política, que profundiza la democratización de la información, esta mesa política adhiere y se compromete a militar esta idea, como así también todas aquellas que intenten construir el destino de grandeza de una Patria Justa, Libre y Soberana.
Enviado por La Corriente Avanza.
Disertación de Pilar Calveiro en el Museo de la Memoria (Rosario - Arg)
La disertante se referirá al tema“Antiterrorismo y guerra contra el crimen como nuevas formas de la violencia estatal”.
El ciclo se completa con el seminario “El caso Eichmann en perspectiva”, que viene dictando el profesor Luis César Bou y que finaliza el martes 5 de julio con la proyección del filme El especialista, del realizador israelí Eyal Siván.
Las actividades se desarrollarán a partir de las 19 h, en el Museo de la Memoria.
La lista K dice mucho, tal vez demasiado…- por Hugo César Renés
Una es mostrarla para transformarla; la otra es ocultarla para conservarla.
La lista K dice mucho, tal vez demasiado…
Lo primero que dice es que no podemos seguir con la fantasia de que tenemos un gobierno "Justicialista/Peronista" porque Cristina Kirchner, obedeciendo a su propio deseo, monopolizó el armado de las listas ignorando una vez más al verdadero militante peronista y a la ortodoxia sindical de ese partido, privilegiando en la lista oficial del Frente para la Victoria al miliciano camporísta, a compinches, familiares, y a conversos obsecuentes funcionales al “modelo” que tergiversa datos y roba.
Supo decir Roberto Santucho años atrás, entonces líder del PRT – ERP, “los perejiles de hoy, son los conductores de mañana, ¡edúcalos!”. Y no se equivocó, gracias al kirchnerismo muchos de aquellos perejiles revolucionarios de ayer, débiles y temerosos de aquellos tiempos, junto a los actuales perejiles de "LA CAMPORITA", ocupan lugares o en las listas, o en el gobierno
Realmente con un entramado como el presente Cristina esta demostrando que “el entrismo de ayer”, hoy va por todo.
¿Cómo podrá exteriorizar su desencanto el verdadero militante peronista y el electorado en general en las próximas elecciones presidenciales del 23 de octubre al verse una vez más marginado de aquel maravilloso “viaje vertiginoso hacia la modernidad” que Cristina nos prometió años atrás? ¿A dónde podrá ir a parar el voto del verdadero peronista?
Ahora bien, si el kirchnerismo pudo traicionar a tantos con la intención de llegar y permanecer en el poder, si lo llegara a asaltar la idea de que en las próximas elecciones puede perderlo, ¿podrá recurrir una vez más a la lucha armada para mantenerlo como lo hizo en los 70 para alcanzarlo, aunque fracaso en el intento? Por que no, si la matriz de la violencia está instalada en sus cuadros y capacidad, organización, y logística, tienen como para intentarlo…
¡Piense!, el general Perón dijo:
“Yo soy peronista: por tanto, no soy marxista”.
En 1973, durante el gobierno del Tío Cámpora los entonces jefes de los Kirchner, de Verbitky, de Kunkel, de Dante Gullo, de Emilio Pérsico, de Eduardo Luis Duhalde, de Martín Caparros, de Esteban Righi, de Miguel Bonasso, de Nilda Garré, y de tantos otros instalados hoy en el poder, Mario Ferminich y Roberto Quieto, lideres entonces de las organizaciones terroristas Montoneros y de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR), respectivamente, en una conferencia de prensa afirmaban “…Estos pequeños sectores que se autoproclaman dueños del Movimiento, tratan de engañar a compañeros honestos con el falso argumento de la infiltración ideológica. A ellos les decimos que no hay patente de peronista, porque peronista es todo aquel que lucha por la liberación y el Socialismo Nacional”. ¿Quién pretendió y pretende engañar a quien? Peron fue claro y terminante…
“La CGT es la columna vertebral del movimiento y así lo cree la Presidenta” (Aníbal Fernández) Por lo que podemos deducir de la conformación de las listas, para Cristina de Kirchner la parte de la columna vertebral que conforma el movimiento obrero debe ser el coxis…
¿No cree que ha llegado el momento de comenzar a reaccionar para liberarnos de la matriz corrupta existente y de los corruptores; de tanta inmoralidad y de los inmorales; de tanta incapacidad y de los incapaces; de la imprevisibilidad y tanta maldad enquistada en los distintos niveles del Poder?
Contagiemos, seduzcamos, por favor…
Piense que con su voto usted puede colaborar en la magnífica obra de restaurar a nuestras instituciones para, a través de ellas, hacer progresar a nuestra patria.
Su voto puede ayudar a materializar un sistema de creencias comunes y de principios luminosos que nos sirvan de guía en la carrera que podremos emprender.
Su voto puede ayudar a hacer realidad los deseos de una Argentina nueva, apoyando a dirigentes con voluntad suficiente como para cambiar los errores que nos han degradado, y que debatan REAL Y LEALMENTE, sin “obediencia de bloque” y por propia convicción, los grandes temas nacionales, provinciales y municipales.
Cuando entre al cuarto oscuro, piense que su voto puede ayudar a borrar las señales viscosas que están dejando en nuestra sociedad los sembradores del odio, la desesperanza y la corrupción.
Su voto nos permitirá obtener la victoria sobre el rencor, la insolidaridad y la especulación, que tan fácil han nacido y tan ligero se han diseminado.
Su voto, junto al mío, concurrirán simultánea y colectivamente a un fin único: el progreso y engrandecimiento de la nación.
Cuando Vote, piense en los que vienen y en la dignidad de nuestros abuelos que lamentablemente se van yendo. Refúgiese en la honestidad, porque ella, junto al trabajo, podrá darnos la dicha de un futuro mejor.
Para provocar una revolución moral que marque un progreso en la regeneración de nuestra Patria, en octubre próximo, cobijémonos imaginariamente debajo de nuestra enseña patria y cumplamos con nuestra obligación como ciudadanos. ¡PENSEMOS!!, luego votemos.
En azul y blanco,
Hugo César Renés
“Es necesario sellar definitivamente el reencuentro de los argentinos; eliminar los motivos de encono, los pretextos de revancha y los últimos vestigios de persecución” (Arturo Frondizi).
“Es necesario sellar definitivamente el reencuentro de los argentinos; eliminar los motivos de encono, los pretextos de revancha y los últimos vestigios de persecución” (Arturo Frondizi).
TELAM FEDERAL EN MAR DEL PLATA
Tenemos el agrado de invitarlo a Ud. a la reunión organizada por el Área de Desarrollo Federal de la Agencia Nacional de Noticias TÉLAM, la cual se realizará el día 1 de Julio de 2011 a las 18.00 hs en el Salon Auditorium del Centro Centro Cultural " Osvaldo Soriano ", sito en Calle Catamarca esquina 25 de Mayo de la localidad de Mar del Plata, Provincia de Buenos Aires.
El objetivo de esta reunión es generar un nuevo espacio de encuentro e intercambio entre los medios de prensa gráficos, radiodifusores, portales web y Televisoras del interior del País, presentando además los nuevos servicios generados desde la Agencia de Noticias Télam.
Aguardando contar con su grata presencia, informándole que participará de la misma el Sr. Intendente del Distrito de General Pueyrredón, Contador Gustavo Pulti, lo saludamos a Ud. muy atte.
Víctor Schajovitsch
Gerente Área de Desarrollo Federal
Martín García
Presidente
Contacto en Mar del Plata:
Juan Manuel Rapacioli - juan.rapacioli@telam.com.ar
0223-4757634 – Cel 0111555856094
Nuestros servicios para todos los medios del país
Medios Gráficos
Desde Télam buscamos fortalecer a todos los medios gráficos del país, sean diarios, periódicos, revistas o boletines, fomentando la libertad de expresión como un derecho de todos los habitantes del suelo Argentino y no solo de una minoría propietaria de grandes empresas periodísticas.
Hoy nuestra agencia, además de brindar el mejor servicio noticiosos del país, cuenta con un producto de gran utilidad para los medios gráficos, el "Reporte Nacional", un suplemento con toda la información nacional e internacional, pensado para ser impreso directamente por los diarios, sirviendo a sus lectores como complemento imprescindible a la información local y regional.
La Gerencia de Medios Gráficos de Télam busca ser un soporte permanente para los medios que dan la pelea de comunicar en papel, buscando generar herramientas que sostengan estos emprendimientos, en muchos casos, de gran importancia para la expresión de las comunidades y de utilidad para las economías regionales.
Radios para Radios
La Gerencia de Radios de la Agencia de NoticiasTélam ofrece a sus radiodifusores abonados un contenido especialmente diseñado para radios con noticias de producción de la agencia grabadas por locutores de reconocida trayectoria nacional.
Creada con el espíritu de una Radio para Radios, cuenta también con informes en audio sobre agro, espectáculos, deportes, educación, servicios, efemérides, música nacional, entrevistas y un servicio informativo cada hora, durante las 24 hs.
Además esperamos contar con sus aportes en audio cuando un hecho informativo de trascendencia requiera de una audiencia nacional.
Medios Digitales
Para el caso de los medios de comunicación por Internet, desde la Gerencia de Medios Digitales se trata de promover acuerdos y convenios de cooperación, formación e intercambio,sean blogs, diarios digitales, newsletters y páginas web de contenidos variados, originados en ONG's, organizaciones sociales, políticas, religiosas o personales.
En todos los casos, se trata de contribuir al desarrollo de los medios de comunicación, ampliando los horizontes a nivel nacional con la colocación de los productos que la Agencia provee.
Audiovisual
La Gerencia de Desarrollo Federal en el área Audiovisual de la Agencia Télam produce entre 10 y 15 noticias en video por día, con una duración promedio 4 minutos. Además se entregan los segmentos más importantes de los discursos presidenciales y actos de gobierno. Los archivos de noticias se cargan a medida que van siendo terminados de procesar en un servidor de FTP de modo que cualquiera que tenga acceso al portal pueda visualizarlos.
Elecciones 2011: ENCUESTA IBSA
GLOBAL INSIDE SYNOPSIS N.L.
DIRECTOR RESPONSABLE : Lic GUSTAVO ADOLFO BUNSE
TAMAÑO MUESTRAL : 3760 CASOS 23 al 27 JUNIO 2011
CASI TODO EL PAIS : (16 PROVINCIAS)
HOMBRES 2644
MUJERES 1116
MÉTODO DOMICILIARIO
CLASE MEDIA 1687 CASOS
CLASE BAJA 1781 CASOS
CLASE ALTA 292 CASOS
RESULTADOS PROVISIONALES SIN PROYECTAR
KIRCHNER .CF. 33.6 %
ALFONSÍN R. 13,7 %
DUHALDE E.A. 12,9 %
CARRIÓ E. 7,1 %
BINNER H. 8,5 %
RODRIGUEZ SAA 3,2 %
ALTAMIRA C. 1,1 %
ARGUMEDO A. 0,4 %
NO SABE 14,3 %
NO CONTESTA 5,2 %
Enviado por Hugo Calzada
López Murphy íntimo - apuntes tomados de una nota de Nicolás Pizzi
Su fanatismo por el Ciclón es sólo un recuerdo. Ahora casi no ve los partidos. Pero mantiene su pasión por la natación.
Su imagen de hombre duro se quiebra ante sus nietos. "Cuando me contacto con ellos es el instante más feliz de mi vida", dice.
"Los fines de semana vamos al gimnasio con mi esposa. Hacemos cinta y bicicleta", Ricardo López Murphy. (Clarín.com).
"Los fines de semana vamos al gimnasio con mi esposa. Hacemos cinta y bicicleta", Ricardo López Murphy. (Clarín.com).
Le cuesta soltarse la corbata y hablar de su vida privada. Se siente más cómodo recitando consignas de campaña. Pero detrás de esa imagen dura, que le valió su apodo de Bulldog, hay un hombre que vive pendiente del Skype (el programa que permite hablar gratis por Internet) para estar en contacto con sus cuatro nietos, que viven en el exterior. “Cuando puedo contactarme con ellos es el instante más feliz de mi vida”, reconoce Ricardo López Murphy, uno de los candidatos que sueña con derrotar a su ex aliado, Mauricio Macri.
Nació el 10 de agosto de 1951. La primaria la hizo en la Escuela Nº 8 de Caballito, en José M. Moreno entre Juan Bautista Alberdi y Valle, a pocas cuadras de su casa. Para esa época ya abrazaba su fanatismo por San Lorenzo. Con el tiempo, comenzó a ir a la cancha con frecuencia. Y recitaba las formaciones del Cuervo de memoria. “Leíamos primero la parte deportiva del diario. Luego la violencia me alejó de la cancha”, reconoce.
-¿Cuál fue el mejor equipo que vio en su vida?
- Sin duda, Los Matadores del 68.
Su carrera política le permitió conocer a sus ídolos de aquella época gloriosa: José Sanfilippo y Rodolfo Fischer. Con el paso del tiempo, el fútbol comenzó a pasar a un segundo plano y lo reemplazó por la natación. “Actualmente nado dos veces por semana. Hago entre 2000 y 3000 metros”, se ufana.
A los 19 años, un libro de Karl Popper, "La sociedad abierta y sus enemigos", le cambió la vida, al menos la manera de ver el mundo. “Yo venía de posiciones de izquierda, fue muy shockeante para mi”, reconoce. La lectura sigue siendo una pasión. Ahora está leyendo “La tumba de Lenin” en inglés.
Por esos años de militancia universitaria le tocó visitar una comisaría. Nadie se asuste, fue sólo por hacer pintadas. “No quedamos registrados. Se puede decir que no tuve hostigamiento con el pianito”, se sonríe.
Su vida, sin duda, estuvo marcada por la vida política. Y le tocó conocer a todas las figuras de la época de la mano de su padre, que llegó a ser diputado nacional. Hasta su bautismo se transformó en un acto político. “Estaba toda la cúpula del radicalismo. El padrino iba a ser Ricardo Balbín, que era muy amigo de mi padre, pero estaba preso y lo terminó reemplazando Arturo Frondizi”, recuerda con orgullo.
En el rubro musical, quedó marcado por el auge del folclore, en el comienzo de los 60´. También le quedaron grabadas algunas melodías inolvidables del francés Charles Aznavour.
Su vida cotidiana no sale de la rutina. A la mañana, lectura de diarios y de mails. Si tiene un poco de tiempo, también hojea El País de España. Luego se sube al colectivo para ir a la oficina. Sus colaboradores confirman que no es ningún recurso de campaña. “Me resulta cómodo y barato el transporte público. La gente me pregunta cosas, dialoga, pero ya no se sorprenden”, dice con cierta naturalidad.
Cuando no trabaja, trata de estar en su casa. De vez en cuando alguna salida al cine o a comer con su mamá. “Si no hace mucho frio la llevo a un restorán”, cuenta.
Los fines de semana se refugia en su casa de Adrogué. “Con mi esposa vamos al gimnasio, hacemos cinta y bicicleta en un club”. También aprovecha para dejar de lado las ensaladas y comer un buen asado.
La pregunta que más le cuesta llega al final del reportaje.
-¿Cuál es la mujer más linda?
- Catherine Zeta Jones.
- No, tiene que ser una argentina, Ricardo.
- Valeria Mazza es una mujer muy bonita….. Y también Julieta Prandi, la vi en el cuarto de mis hijos, responde sin ponerse colorado.
Enviado por Prensa Convergencia Federal
¿República o qué? - por Enrique Guillermo Avogadro
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En imagen: Daniel Scioli
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Desde el anuncio de la señora Presidente de su inscripción para participar en las elecciones de octubre, mucha agua ha corrido bajo el puente; lamentablemente, toda ella en sentido contrario a los principios de deberían regir una república que se precie de tal.
Recuerdo cuando, en los ya lejanos días de fines de 2007, doña Cristina, ungida como candidata por el mágico dedo de don Néstor (q.e.p.d.) prometía, a troche y moche, respetar las instituciones y, con ello, producir un salto cualitativo respecto a la gestión de su marido, que tanto las había pisoteado.
Como todos sabemos, nada de eso se cumplió. Muy por el contrario, se agudizó el centralismo y el ejercicio absoluto del poder, concentrando aún más la decisión en una mesa cada vez más chica. El Gabinete de Ministros continuó sin existir, las conferencias de prensa esas a las que se someten todos los presidentes del mundo normal- nunca se produjeron, y se puso al servicio del Gobierno todo el aparato de comunicación del Estado. Los organismos de control no recuperaron sus facultades y el país continuó careciendo de estadísticas, es decir, sin una brújula que permita tanto a sus autoridades cuanto a los inversores determinar sus políticas y adoptar sus decisiones.
Pero, como digo, ese cuadro de situación, que los argentinos soportamos impávidos desde 2003, sufrió un deterioro mayor a partir del anuncio de la inscripción de la señora de Kirchner en la carrera presidencial.
Lo que sucedió hasta el sábado, a cuatro horas de la finalización del plazo para inscribir candidaturas y listas, fue la apoteosis de un estilo de gobierno que se construyó sobre la base de la humillación de aliados y compañeros de ruta, y de demonización de los opositores, fueran éstos políticos o empresariales.
El viernes, una vez más, esa triste figura, por cierto tan optimista y esperanzada, del Gobernador de la Provincia de Buenos Aires soportó un nuevo castigo, tal vez el más grande desde que doña Cristina, por entonces Senadora, lo flagelara públicamente en el Congreso. La inconsulta designación de don Mariotto como candidato a Vicegobernador no solamente implicó desconocer cualquier deseo de don Danielito sino que, a futuro y para el improbable caso de que éste ganara las elecciones de octubre, constituirá una verdadera espada de Damocles, dispuesta a cortar cualquier rebeldía y, sobre todo, cualquier camino independiente que Scioli pretendiera transitar.
Por lo demás, como es obvio, constituyó un verdadero desafío, un ninguneo, al poderoso PJ de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, ese con cuya ayuda don Néstor (q.e.p.d.), a fuerza de zanahoria y palos, pudo construir su poder omnímodo.
La designación de don Amado del Amado , tituló Perfil- para acompañarla en la fórmula presidencial, pese a tratarse de uno de los nombres que danzaban en el imaginario político, fue otro paso en el mismo sentido. El Ministro no ha demostrado otras virtudes, ni historia, que las que provienen de la fidelidad canina a su dueña; el elogio explícito de ésta a la capacidad de cambio de su compañero de fórmula ponderó esas características, aún cuando esas modificaciones en ideologías y métodos constituyen verdaderos giros copernicanos respecto a su pensamiento reciente.
Tal como explicara muchas veces, doña Cristina no tenía, en su entorno más íntimo, nadie que pudiera desempeñar el rol que cumpliera Isabelita para el Gral. Perón. Y tuvo que escoger y privilegiar a un sector de su, ahora fisurado, FpV respecto a otros.
Así, quedaron en el camino, rumiando su rencor y su venganza, personajes de la talla de don Moyano, don Piumato y hasta don D Elia, que tanto aportaron, en su momento, para garantizar la paz de la calle al kirchnerismo reinante.
Doña Cristina optó por La Cámpora, esa cohorte de intelectuales rentados por el Estado que, en el relato oficial, fueron organizados por don Máximo Kirchner. Dejó en el camino a los barones del Conurbano, a sus más fieles espadas legislativas, a los aparatos justicialistas provinciales, a la CGT y a los piqueteros más enfervorizados. Ese abandono, y esas traiciones, se transformarán, más temprano que tarde, en costosas facturas que llegarán a la Casa Rosada.
Porque los muchachos , que tienen siglos de experiencia en la materia, saben que, en un eventual nuevo gobierno kirchnerista, sus bases serán serruchadas sin compasión y sin dilación, que perderán sus territorios y que, básicamente, se pretenderá prescindir por completo de ellos para construir un socialismo del siglo XXI , a imagen y semejanza del desastre al que ha llevado a Venezuela su propio papagayo caribeño.
La opción de doña Cristina por el ala pseudo izquierdista del FpV está conduciendo a ese movimiento a un suicidio masivo.
El organismo del PJ reaccionará, como lo ha hecho tantas veces desde 1973, generando los anticuerpos necesarios para conjurar una amenaza que, tal vez sin armas, intentará imponer sus criterios mesiánicos hoy crematísticos- al conjunto de la sociedad. Ésta aún no ha tomado conciencia, embrutecida por los plasmas y los automóviles, en el caso de la clase media, y por la falta de educación y de futuro, en el caso de los sectores más miserables, del destino que un triunfante cristinismo le tendría reservado.
A partir del sábado pasado, la CGT con el propio Moyano a la cabeza- el peronismo territorial y hasta los piqueteros marginados han pasado a una ofensiva que, no por silente, dejará de ser trascendental. Sus manifestaciones públicas dependerán del resultado de las próximas compulsas electorales, pues ellas permitirán medir, más certeramente que cualquier encuesta comprada, la real fortaleza del kirchnerismo.
Porque, como ya se dijo en estas notas, el Gobierno llegará a la fecha crucial del 14 de agosto con graves y sonoros cachetazos: la Capital, Santa Fe y Córdoba. Los votos que ha obtenido en las pequeñas provincias en las que ya hubo elecciones no le servirán frente a la derrota en los grandes distritos a los que, después de la designación de don Mariotto para secundar a don Danielito, se sumará la Provincia de Buenos Aires.
De agosto a octubre, la segura polarización del electorado detrás del candidato opositor más votado pinchará, con absoluta certeza, el globo inventado del ya ganó . Si de algo estoy seguro, es que doña Cristina no se presentará para perder; cómo será instrumentada esa deserción final, no lo sé, pero esa ignorancia no me hace cambiar de opinión.
Mientras tanto, desde el ex quincho de Olivos o desde el Salón de los ¿Próceres? Latinoamericanos recuérdese que uno de los retratos pertenece al asesino Che Guevara- la señora Presidente sigue haciendo retroceder a la República.
Ya no se trata del uso del dedo gran elector, pecado que comparte con muchos de los partidos opositores, sino del extraordinario abuso del aparato estatal puesto el servicio a los intereses de su sector político. No resultó bastante el Fútbol para todos , que atosiga con su publicidad y su endiosamiento del fallecido, ni con el enorme andamiaje de la Televisión Pública o la prensa militante .
Se requirió, entonces, convertir a la residencia de los presidentes argentinos y a la propia Casa Rosada en unidades básicas conquistadas, a fuerza de negocios y billeteras, por los nuevos jóvenes idealistas , falsos herederos de los originales, que pretendieron obtener idénticos objetivos mediante la sangre y el fuego.
Al Gobierno, sin embargo, le han comenzado a salir los tiros por la culata. La pacificación de la calle, prometida por doña Garré después de criticar tan duramente a don Anímal Fernández, voló por el aire el domingo en Núñez.
Si la violencia continúa, no será la Policía Federal, que vio cómo caían heridos por la turba más de veinte de sus hombres desarmados, la que pondrá la carne de cañón para enfrentarla. Menos, si se piensa en cómo la han criticado y escarnecido desde el poder don Verbitsky y sus secuaces; lo mismo ocurrirá con la Policía de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, que también ha sufrido la invasión de su jurisdicción por las fuerzas federales, y que lo vive como una afrenta directa.
Esa violencia puede llegar, casi espontáneamente, de los sectores más empobrecidos de la población. Basta conversar con algunos productores de alimentos básicos por ejemplo, los lácteos- para confirmar cuánto se caído el consumo de los mismos, por efecto de la inflación que tanto castiga a quienes dedican todo su salario a la compra de comida.
El modelo -¡vaya uno a saber en qué consistió, más allá de enriquecer a los integrantes de la banda que rodeó, desde siempre, a los Kirchner!- se ha agotado. Sólo puede huir hacia adelante, hacia más intervención en la economía, hacia más estatización, hacia más inflación.
En definitiva, hacia más poder absoluto y menos República.
Desde el anuncio de la señora Presidente de su inscripción para participar en las elecciones de octubre, mucha agua ha corrido bajo el puente; lamentablemente, toda ella en sentido contrario a los principios de deberían regir una república que se precie de tal.
Recuerdo cuando, en los ya lejanos días de fines de 2007, doña Cristina, ungida como candidata por el mágico dedo de don Néstor (q.e.p.d.) prometía, a troche y moche, respetar las instituciones y, con ello, producir un salto cualitativo respecto a la gestión de su marido, que tanto las había pisoteado.
Como todos sabemos, nada de eso se cumplió. Muy por el contrario, se agudizó el centralismo y el ejercicio absoluto del poder, concentrando aún más la decisión en una mesa cada vez más chica. El Gabinete de Ministros continuó sin existir, las conferencias de prensa esas a las que se someten todos los presidentes del mundo normal- nunca se produjeron, y se puso al servicio del Gobierno todo el aparato de comunicación del Estado. Los organismos de control no recuperaron sus facultades y el país continuó careciendo de estadísticas, es decir, sin una brújula que permita tanto a sus autoridades cuanto a los inversores determinar sus políticas y adoptar sus decisiones.
Pero, como digo, ese cuadro de situación, que los argentinos soportamos impávidos desde 2003, sufrió un deterioro mayor a partir del anuncio de la inscripción de la señora de Kirchner en la carrera presidencial.
Lo que sucedió hasta el sábado, a cuatro horas de la finalización del plazo para inscribir candidaturas y listas, fue la apoteosis de un estilo de gobierno que se construyó sobre la base de la humillación de aliados y compañeros de ruta, y de demonización de los opositores, fueran éstos políticos o empresariales.
El viernes, una vez más, esa triste figura, por cierto tan optimista y esperanzada, del Gobernador de la Provincia de Buenos Aires soportó un nuevo castigo, tal vez el más grande desde que doña Cristina, por entonces Senadora, lo flagelara públicamente en el Congreso. La inconsulta designación de don Mariotto como candidato a Vicegobernador no solamente implicó desconocer cualquier deseo de don Danielito sino que, a futuro y para el improbable caso de que éste ganara las elecciones de octubre, constituirá una verdadera espada de Damocles, dispuesta a cortar cualquier rebeldía y, sobre todo, cualquier camino independiente que Scioli pretendiera transitar.
Por lo demás, como es obvio, constituyó un verdadero desafío, un ninguneo, al poderoso PJ de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, ese con cuya ayuda don Néstor (q.e.p.d.), a fuerza de zanahoria y palos, pudo construir su poder omnímodo.
La designación de don Amado del Amado , tituló Perfil- para acompañarla en la fórmula presidencial, pese a tratarse de uno de los nombres que danzaban en el imaginario político, fue otro paso en el mismo sentido. El Ministro no ha demostrado otras virtudes, ni historia, que las que provienen de la fidelidad canina a su dueña; el elogio explícito de ésta a la capacidad de cambio de su compañero de fórmula ponderó esas características, aún cuando esas modificaciones en ideologías y métodos constituyen verdaderos giros copernicanos respecto a su pensamiento reciente.
Tal como explicara muchas veces, doña Cristina no tenía, en su entorno más íntimo, nadie que pudiera desempeñar el rol que cumpliera Isabelita para el Gral. Perón. Y tuvo que escoger y privilegiar a un sector de su, ahora fisurado, FpV respecto a otros.
Así, quedaron en el camino, rumiando su rencor y su venganza, personajes de la talla de don Moyano, don Piumato y hasta don D Elia, que tanto aportaron, en su momento, para garantizar la paz de la calle al kirchnerismo reinante.
Doña Cristina optó por La Cámpora, esa cohorte de intelectuales rentados por el Estado que, en el relato oficial, fueron organizados por don Máximo Kirchner. Dejó en el camino a los barones del Conurbano, a sus más fieles espadas legislativas, a los aparatos justicialistas provinciales, a la CGT y a los piqueteros más enfervorizados. Ese abandono, y esas traiciones, se transformarán, más temprano que tarde, en costosas facturas que llegarán a la Casa Rosada.
Porque los muchachos , que tienen siglos de experiencia en la materia, saben que, en un eventual nuevo gobierno kirchnerista, sus bases serán serruchadas sin compasión y sin dilación, que perderán sus territorios y que, básicamente, se pretenderá prescindir por completo de ellos para construir un socialismo del siglo XXI , a imagen y semejanza del desastre al que ha llevado a Venezuela su propio papagayo caribeño.
La opción de doña Cristina por el ala pseudo izquierdista del FpV está conduciendo a ese movimiento a un suicidio masivo.
El organismo del PJ reaccionará, como lo ha hecho tantas veces desde 1973, generando los anticuerpos necesarios para conjurar una amenaza que, tal vez sin armas, intentará imponer sus criterios mesiánicos hoy crematísticos- al conjunto de la sociedad. Ésta aún no ha tomado conciencia, embrutecida por los plasmas y los automóviles, en el caso de la clase media, y por la falta de educación y de futuro, en el caso de los sectores más miserables, del destino que un triunfante cristinismo le tendría reservado.
A partir del sábado pasado, la CGT con el propio Moyano a la cabeza- el peronismo territorial y hasta los piqueteros marginados han pasado a una ofensiva que, no por silente, dejará de ser trascendental. Sus manifestaciones públicas dependerán del resultado de las próximas compulsas electorales, pues ellas permitirán medir, más certeramente que cualquier encuesta comprada, la real fortaleza del kirchnerismo.
Porque, como ya se dijo en estas notas, el Gobierno llegará a la fecha crucial del 14 de agosto con graves y sonoros cachetazos: la Capital, Santa Fe y Córdoba. Los votos que ha obtenido en las pequeñas provincias en las que ya hubo elecciones no le servirán frente a la derrota en los grandes distritos a los que, después de la designación de don Mariotto para secundar a don Danielito, se sumará la Provincia de Buenos Aires.
De agosto a octubre, la segura polarización del electorado detrás del candidato opositor más votado pinchará, con absoluta certeza, el globo inventado del ya ganó . Si de algo estoy seguro, es que doña Cristina no se presentará para perder; cómo será instrumentada esa deserción final, no lo sé, pero esa ignorancia no me hace cambiar de opinión.
Mientras tanto, desde el ex quincho de Olivos o desde el Salón de los ¿Próceres? Latinoamericanos recuérdese que uno de los retratos pertenece al asesino Che Guevara- la señora Presidente sigue haciendo retroceder a la República.
Ya no se trata del uso del dedo gran elector, pecado que comparte con muchos de los partidos opositores, sino del extraordinario abuso del aparato estatal puesto el servicio a los intereses de su sector político. No resultó bastante el Fútbol para todos , que atosiga con su publicidad y su endiosamiento del fallecido, ni con el enorme andamiaje de la Televisión Pública o la prensa militante .
Se requirió, entonces, convertir a la residencia de los presidentes argentinos y a la propia Casa Rosada en unidades básicas conquistadas, a fuerza de negocios y billeteras, por los nuevos jóvenes idealistas , falsos herederos de los originales, que pretendieron obtener idénticos objetivos mediante la sangre y el fuego.
Al Gobierno, sin embargo, le han comenzado a salir los tiros por la culata. La pacificación de la calle, prometida por doña Garré después de criticar tan duramente a don Anímal Fernández, voló por el aire el domingo en Núñez.
Si la violencia continúa, no será la Policía Federal, que vio cómo caían heridos por la turba más de veinte de sus hombres desarmados, la que pondrá la carne de cañón para enfrentarla. Menos, si se piensa en cómo la han criticado y escarnecido desde el poder don Verbitsky y sus secuaces; lo mismo ocurrirá con la Policía de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, que también ha sufrido la invasión de su jurisdicción por las fuerzas federales, y que lo vive como una afrenta directa.
Esa violencia puede llegar, casi espontáneamente, de los sectores más empobrecidos de la población. Basta conversar con algunos productores de alimentos básicos por ejemplo, los lácteos- para confirmar cuánto se caído el consumo de los mismos, por efecto de la inflación que tanto castiga a quienes dedican todo su salario a la compra de comida.
El modelo -¡vaya uno a saber en qué consistió, más allá de enriquecer a los integrantes de la banda que rodeó, desde siempre, a los Kirchner!- se ha agotado. Sólo puede huir hacia adelante, hacia más intervención en la economía, hacia más estatización, hacia más inflación.
En definitiva, hacia más poder absoluto y menos República.
Bs.As., 28 Jun 11
Enrique Guillermo Avogadro
Abogado
E.mail: ega1@avogadro.com.ar
E.mail: ega1avogadro@gmail.com
Site: www.avogadro.com.ar
Blog: http://egavogadro.blogspot.com
Enrique Guillermo Avogadro
Abogado
E.mail: ega1@avogadro.com.ar
E.mail: ega1avogadro@gmail.com
Site: www.avogadro.com.ar
Blog: http://egavogadro.blogspot.com
Elecciones primarias en San Isidro: denuncia de Participación Vecinal
Como es bien conocido por toda la población, el 14 de Agosto próximo se celebrarán las elecciones primarias abiertas, simultáneas y obligatorias.
En consecuencia, Participación Vecinal tiene la intención de participar en las internas de la Agrupación Municipal Agrupación Ciudadana San Isidro, pero nos vemos mancillados en nuestros derechos cuando la Junta Electoral Partidaria designada a ¿dedo? por el Pre Candidato a Intendente, Pablo Chamatropulos realizó y realiza todo lo posible para impedirnos participar.
No nos provee el reglamento electoral, los horarios publicados en la pagina web partidaria del funcionamiento de la Junta Electoral Partidaria no es cumplido (tenemos el acta refrendada por un Escribano Público), la publicación fuera de tiempo del reglamento en la pagina web, el cual además es ilegible, la negación de aceptarnos la lista para participar en las internas (poseemos el acta refrendada por un Escribano Publico) por supuestos problemas de carga el día sábado 25 de junio a las 21,55hs, la elección como vocal de la Junta Electoral Partidaria de la Sra Liliana Rojas, esposa del Pre Candidato a Intendente y actual Presidente de la Agupación el Sr Pablo Chamatropulos entre algunas de las innumerables anomalías cometidas por la Junta Electoral Partidaria y los apoderados de la Agrupación.
Nuestro espacio se crea a través de la disconformidad por el manejo dictatorial que realiza el Presidente de la Agrupación.
Fuimos desplazados de la Agrupación por opinar distinto al Presidente y por defender los derechos y la participación de los vecinos. En realidad, por defender los fundamentos partidarios que nos propusimos cuando creamos el espacio vecinal. Creamos Agrupación Ciudadana para ser la voz de miles de vecinos que no la tienen y para fundar una nueva política; Pero desde fines de 2009 a la fecha lo único que realizan las Autoridades Partidarias es repetir los mismos vicios de la vieja política.
Eso es lo que no queremos para este espacio; Queremos la tranparencia, la participación y la voz que se nos cortó desde que empezamos a discrepar con las malas y negativas acciones realizadas en forma personal y sin ser consultada la Agrupación, por el actual edil y Pre Candidato a Intendente Pablo Chamatropulos.
Este espacio esta encabezado por el actual Secretario General Partidario Leandro Giarrocco y la Consejera Escolar Por San Isidro Carolina Petikic. Detrás de ellos se se encuentran las voces que quisieron acallar y no pudieron desde la Presidencia de la Agrupación.
Reiteramos, nos quisieron callar, pero no pudieron y no podrán, porque es más fuerte aquella voz que representa los ideales verdaderos de los vecinos y afiliados que aquella voz que solo representa los intereses de una sola persona que quiere llegar a costa de cualquier cosa sin importarle nada ni nadie.
Con este accionar el Pre Candidato demuestra que lo que dice para afuera no lo realiza para adentro. Supuestamente escucha a los vecinos en desayunos y meriendas pero no escucha a los afiliados de la Agrupación donde es Presidente. Realiza un manejo cuasi dictatorial y solo importa lo que dice el sin ni siquiera escuchar otras voces y menos si están en disidencia con la de el; Nunca escucho y nunca escuchara a los que pensamos distinto, solo escuchara a los serviles de turno.
Realizamos las presentaciones en tiempo y forma. Cumplimos con todos los pasos formales y legales exigidos por la Junta Electoral Partidaria y por la Junta Electoral Provincial. Ante esta situación, le pedimos a las autoridades de la Junta Electoral Provincial que nos habiliten a participar en la interna partidaria y así dejar oír las voces de vecinos, afiliados e independientes que no estamos de acuerdo con la actual conducción partidaria y demostrárselos ganándole la interna.
Les pedimos Señores de la Junta, que acepten los escritos presentados e intimen a la Agrupación Ciudadana a que nos inscriban para la elecciones.
Esto es solamente una contienda política; Queremos participar; Queremos estar con la lista en las internas del 14 de Agosto próximo y que los electores tengan la posibilidad de elegirnos o no, pero que esta esa opción en el cuarto oscuro.
En caso de no dejarnos presentar por incumplimientos que no fueron nuestros, estarían avalando las infracciones cometidas por la Junta Electoral Partidaria y estarían creando un antecedente grave en cuanto a la vulneracion de los derechos que nos da la ley.
Esperamos que se haga justicia y que podamos decir que el 14 de Agosto, Participación Vecinal sera una de las opciones para los votantes del Municipio de San Isidro
Integrantes de la Lista
Participación Vecinal
Para contacto:
15-66736879
participacionvecinalenag@gmail.com
www.pvenagrupacionciudadana.blogspot.com
Enviado por Leandro Giarroco
Corrupción en Argentina - Informe (en inglés - en proceso de publicación)
ARGENTINA COUNTRY PROFILE
GENERAL INFORMATION
Political Climate
The Argentine economy has been steadily improving since it slid into recession in the late 1990s, which culminated with a deep financial, political and social crisis at the end of 2001.
Due to record unemployment levels and a highly overvalued and inflexible currency, the crisis rapidly plunged more than half of the population into poverty while foreign investors suffered substantial losses.
However, in the years following the crisis, impressive growth rates have been sustained and the political climate has been stabilised.
The country has made good progress in restoring investor confidence and observers now agree that Argentina once again represents an attractive destination for foreign investors.
President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, wife to recently deceased former President Néstor Kirchner, won a clear-cut victory at the presidential elections of November 2007. The victory was helped by a fragmented political opposition, strong growth rates as well as the popularity of her husband.
In contrast to her husband, President Cristina Kirchner has not been very outspoken concerning corruption, and anti-corruption policies have not been at the forefront of her administration's agenda.
Although her husband's administration introduced various anti-corruption initiatives, it is generally agreed that corruption and graft have remained widespread and political patronage systems deep-rooted.
According to Freedom House 2010, a lack of independence from the executive branch has largely hampered several anti-corruption agencies from carrying out their roles effectively.
A lack of political will means that corrupt officials are not fully subjected to Argentine anti-corruption laws. Key laws and institutions reportedly face major implementation and enforcement shortcomings, leaving them largely ineffective.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, abuse of office by elected officials usually goes unpunished, and the political and administrative system as a whole lacks transparency, efficiency and neutrality.
Until recently, the Kirchners' centre-left party, the Justicialist Party (commonly known as the Peronist Party), dominated both Houses of Parliament and held the majority of governorships.
However, while being very popular in the beginning of her term in office, the popularity of President Kirchner has slowly decreased and her party lost its comfortable congressional majority in June 2009.
Seen together, as they often are by analysts, the Kirchners have been criticised for monopolising decision-making power in the presidency and bills approved during their time in office have strengthened the position of the President by allowing for easier introduction of 'emergency' decrees and by increasing the President's budgetary control.
The problem of political corruption in Argentina is confirmed by Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer 2009, where political parties are ranked the most corrupt body in Argentina, followed by public officials, parliament and the judiciary.
The same survey also reveals that 81% of the household respondents consider the government's efforts in fighting corruption as 'ineffective'.
This information is backed by the Latinobarómetro 2008 (see English version), in which the public respondents believe that on average 76% of public officials in Argentina are corrupt, and the majority believe that the occurrence of corruption is more prevalent within the political system than in the general society.
According to the Latinobarómetro 2009, only 35% of the surveyed public respondents believe that elections have been ‘clean’ in Argentina in the past.
Moreover, Argentina is among the Latin American countries included in both surveys where the least respondents believe that there has been progress in fighting corruption.
Distrust in political parties is not only prevalent amongst the general public, but also the businesses executives surveyed in the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011 give a score of 1.4 on a 7-point scale to the level of public trust in the ethical standards of Argentinian politicians (1 being ‘very low’ and 7’very high’).
Cases of corruption include the Minister of Economy who had to resign in July 2007 after a suitcase packed with public funds was found hidden in her office bathroom, as reported by Deutche Presse-Argentur 2007.
Also, in that same month, according to Freedom House 2010, the Argentine customs officers uncovered a suitcase with USD 800,000 worth in cash, carried by a Venezuelan businessman, who claimed that the money was Venezuelan government funds to support Cristina Fernández's presidential campaign.
This led to the resignation of the director of the agency that is responsible for privatised highway concessions, and who had also been on the same flight.
The case is still under the investigation in Argentina.
It is cases like these that continue to cultivate Argentinian citizen's distrust in their political institutions and elected officials.
Business and Corruption
Companies operating in Argentina are affected by both public and private sector corruption.
Transparency International Global Corruption Barometer 2009 reveals that the general public considers corruption to have a major impact on the business environment.
When respondents were asked which sectors they perceived to be affected by corruption, the private sector scored 3.7 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
According to the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, it is common for companies to make irregular payments or bribes connected with imports and exports, public utilities, annual tax payment and awarding of public contracts and licences.
Moreover, corruption is ranked as the fourth most problematic factor for doing business in Argentina, after policy instability, inflation and access to finance.
Interacting with public agencies is necessary for establishing or maintaining business operations in Argentina, like everywhere else.
However, according to the reports cited above, this interaction in Argentina frequently entails unethical behaviour, including corruption.
Investors are therefore advised to be prepared to deal with demands for bribes and other forms of corruption by strengthening and developing internal policies, codes of conduct, procedures and instructions (see Integrity System for practical tools).
It is also recommended that companies conduct extensive due diligence when planning to invest or already doing business in Argentina.
According to the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006, companies report that bribes or gifts are expected when interacting with tax inspectors, when bidding on public tenders and when applying for various licences and permits.
There are indications that a close relationship exists between the high levels of corruption within the political and administrative system and bribery by the private sector.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, all political and administrative levels are vulnerable to corruption and political influences.
Corruption continues to permeate both the government and the private sector. An area of special concern for companies is bidding on public tenders.
According to Enterprise Surveys 2006, nearly 26% of the surveyed companies expect to give gifts to secure a government contract.
In order to effectively reduce the risk of extortion and demands for bribes in the procurement process, investors considering bidding on public tenders in Argentina are advised to use a specialised due diligence tool on public procurement.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, organised labour plays a strong role in Argentina, but trade unions are frequently accused of being controlled by the government, which has influenced sector-specific negotiations between unions and industry.
The same source also reports that trade union leaders are frequently regarded as part of the political establishment and are therefore often mistrusted by workers.
Established trade unions are widely associated with high levels of corruption.
According to Global Integrity 2006, the close, at times opaque, relationship between politicians and unions is illustrated by the case of Secretary of Transportation, Ricardo Jaime, who approved an advance subsidy of USD 5.5 million beginning in 2003 to the union of truck drivers, which supports a close ally of President Kirchner.
Freedom House 2010 reports that Ricardo Jaime was forced to resign from his position due to 25 different charges of alleged corruption.
Regulatory Environment
Even though Argentina remains open to foreign investment and foreign companies can invest in the country on the same conditions as national companies, complicated and time-consuming regulations continue to pose an obstacle to doing business in Argentina.
The World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006 reveals that senior managers spend nearly 16% of their time dealing with the requirements of government regulations.
According to the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, policy instability is ranked as the most problematic factor for doing business in Argentina by companies.
According to the same report, government policy-making is highly non-transparent in Argentina.
Combined with frequent changes in policies in some sectors, companies find themselves subject to considerable uncertainty in relation to unpredictable and inconsistent interpretations of relevant regulations by government officials.
Although foreign trade has been liberalised, a number of administrative barriers remain. According to the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011, Argentina performs poorly in the area of starting a business, and in dealing with licences and paying taxes.
Several observers, as well as business and public perception surveys, including the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, describe the Argentinean judiciary as severely politicised and plagued by corruption.
The US Department of State 2010 notes that public confidence in the judiciary is weak, but domestic investment dispute resolution is nevertheless available through local courts or administrative procedures.
According to the International Trade Centre 2004, to deal with the problem of Argentina's many arbitration centres competing against one another, 25 arbitration centres in Argentina adopted a harmonisation approach, agreeing to use the same procedural rules and to conduct a cooperative branding campaign to raise awareness domestically and internationally.
Gabriele Tondl writes in Trade, integration and economic development 2008 that two agencies, the Amicable Negotiations Federal Council and the Amicable Negotiations Proceedings Body, were created by the government in 2003 as alternatives to international arbitration to conduct amicable negotiations under the provisions of bilateral investment treaties.
Companies that seek recourse through Argentinean courts, however, cannot dually pursue recourse through international arbitration.
International arbitration of investment disputes is available for those disputes that cannot be settled through amicable consultation and negotiation between the parties.
Many foreign companies prefer to include provisions for private or international arbitration in their contracts rather than deal with Argentina's courts.
Argentina accepts the principle of international arbitration and is a party to the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), the New York Convention 1958 (UNCITRAL), and the World Bank's Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA).
Investment incentives aimed at attracting foreign investors are promoted through a number of government-run investment programmes.
These programmes provide a range of benefits for investors, including VAT refunds and access to free trade zones.
The investment promotion programmes are explored further on the websites of Subsecretaría de Industría (in Spanish) and of the National Investment Development Agency.
Relevant information for small and medium-sized companies can be found at the website of the Subsecretaría de la Pequeña y Mediana Empresa y Desarrollo Regional (SEPYME, in Spanish), which also runs ProArgentina (in Spanish), a portal containing export-related information for and about small and medium-sized companies in Argentina.
Companies can also access the Lexadin World Law Guide for a collection of legislation in Argentina.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
INDIVIDUAL CORRUPTION
According to Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer 2009, the judiciary is perceived by households as one of the most corrupt institutions in the country.
Among the Latin American countries included in the Latinobarómetro 2008 (see English version) public opinion survey, Argentina is the country where the largest percentage of respondents believe that it is possible to get a favourable sentence by bribing a judge.
According to the US Department of State 2009, provincial courts and federal courts at the provincial levels are alleged to be more prone to corruption compared to federal courts at the city levels and the federal court over the province of Buenos Aires.
Furthermore, Global Integrity 2008 assesses the accountability of the judiciary in Argentina as being 'weak'.
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
The protection of free competition and property rights is impeded by corruption within the judiciary and by political pressure on judges.
According to the US Department of State 2010, despite of the availability of local investment dispute adjudication through local courts or administrative procedures, many investors prefer private or international arbitration.
According to the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011, enforcing contracts through Argentinean courts is cumbersome, time-consuming and costly when compared to the average for OECD countries.
Companies should note that lengthy and complicated bureaucratic procedures are widely regarded as fuelling the use of bribes, although there is little evidence of companies' experiences in this regard in the judiciary in Argentina.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to Global Integrity 2007, in August 2007, the Council of the Magistracy suspended Judge Guillermo Tiscornia, and initiated a trial against him.
The main accusation was that Tiscornia's father requested a bribe of USD 4 million from the Spanish company CODERE, so that his son would not convict the directors of the company.
The day before his suspension, in an attempt to avoid his dismissal, Tiscornia accused the Minister of Defence Nilda Garré of smuggling spare rifle parts into the United States.
The investigation of Garré, however, was cancelled within a week.
According to Freedom House 2010, although former President Néstor Kirchner initiated several measures to deal with allegations of politicisation and corruption within the judiciary, such as the appointment of magistrates based on professional qualifications, incompetent and corrupt judges still remain serious problems.
The Bertelsmann Foundation 2010 reports that the judicial reform measures implemented under Kirchner are, however, a positive step towards increased transparency and neutrality within the judiciary.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- Enforcing a commercial contract in Argentina requires a company to go through an average of 36 administrative procedures, taking an average of 590 days and costing an average of 16.5% of the claim.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the independence of the judiciary from the influence of members of government, citizens, or companies a score of 2.6 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'heavily influenced' and 7 'entirely independent').
- Business executives give the efficiency of the legal framework for private companies to settle disputes and to challenge the legality of government actions and/or regulations a score of 2.6 and 2.3 respectively on a 7-point scale (1 being 'extremely inefficient' and 7 'highly efficient').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- Citizens give the judiciary a score of 4.2 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
- 50% of households surveyed consider the judiciary to be 'extremely corrupt'.
- 4% of households who had contact with the judiciary in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version):
- 54% of the respondents in this public opinion survey believe that it is possible to bribe a judge in order to get a favourable sentence - the highest percentage of all 18 Latin American countries included in the survey.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the judiciary a score of 3.7 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- Less than 16% of companies operating in Argentina perceive the judiciary as fair, impartial and uncorrupted.
POLICE
INDIVIDUAL CORRUPTION
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, the police force is perceived to be one of the most corrupt institutions in Argentina.
As is the case in many other countries in the region, paying bribes to the traffic police is a common tactic for avoiding legal penalties for traffic violations.
This is backed by the Latinobarómetro 2008 (see English version) which reveals that Argentina is one of the countries in the region where most respondents in the public opinion survey believe that it is possible to bribe a policeman in order to avoid a fine or arrest.
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
Companies should note that the Argentinean police are frequently cited as a corrupt institution, as reported by the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, and the police force's actions are often viewed as arbitrary and politicised.
According to Freedom House 2010, extrajudicial action is not uncommon, and the Buenos Aires police have been involved in several incidents of drug trafficking, corruption and extortion.
According to the US Department of State 2009, between January and December 2008, there were 120 investigations against police officers in relation to allegations of corruption and criminal involvement.
Citing a local newspaper, the same source also reports that there were 13,619 police officers being investigated for acts of corruption, violence, or irregularities in Buenos Aires Province between 2008 and 2009.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
Accountability within the police force is questionable and, according to Global Integrity 2008, the police are frequently subject to political interference.
There are cases where corrupt police officers were made immune from the criminal proceedings and cases where a lack of resources or the lack of will to investigate corruption cases related to police officials was an obstacle.
Furthermore, budget constraints affect the police's ability to carry out their mandate, and poor salaries are cited as an incentive towards petty corruption within the police.
The Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish), Argentina's anti-corruption agency, has an internal mechanism through which civil servants can complain about police actions.
Attorneys and police stations receive complaints as well.
According to Freedom House 2010, police abuse is rarely punished in the courts due to intimidation of witnesses and judges, especially in the province of Buenos Aires.
FREQUENCY
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the reliability of the Argentinean police services to enforce law and order a score of 3.0 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'cannot be relied upon at all' and 7 'can always be relied upon').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 9% of households who had contact with the police in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version):
- 59% of respondents in this public opinion survey believe that it is possible to bribe a police official to avoid a fine or arrest.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the police a score of 3.9 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- 25.4% of companies surveyed identify crime, theft and disorder as major constraints to doing business.
- 76% of companies surveyed pay for security in Argentina.
LICENCES, INFRASTRUCTURE AND PUBLIC UTILITIES
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
According to Global Integrity 2008, despite the transparent laws on regulatory requirements for basic health, environmental and safety standards for businesses, there are nevertheless cases where corruption has led to enforcement inconsistencies.
In 2004, a fire accident in the nightclub 'Cromañón' caused a death toll of 194 and thousands of injuries.
According to The Argentimes 2009, the accident caused a scandal when corruption links between the club owner and several individuals, including the Mayor of Buenos Aires were revealed.
After a more than 4-year long trial, the club owner was convicted of bribery and was sentenced to 20 years in prison and the former Mayor was dismissed from his post in 2006 for tolerating and ignoring safety checks at the club.
In a recent survey conducted by the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, business executives surveyed indicate that the level of government regulation in the country represents a competitive disadvantage.
Therefore, companies should note that excessive bureaucracy can possibly be associated with the use of facilitation payments.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to Global Integrity 2008, the quality of the civil service in Argentina is seriously affected by political interference and civil servants who act against the government's policies can be punished.
The 1983 to 1994 Yacyretá Dam hydroelectric project on the border of Argentina and Paraguay, partly financed by the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, is widely known as a 'monument to corruption'.
It is a typical mega-project that has proven to be vulnerable to large-scale corruption.
Yacyretá Dam was intended to be a clean and cheap source of energy, but large cost overruns have meant that the energy produced is not economic.
According to Transparency International Global Corruption Report 2008, the original budget of USD 2.7 billion was inflated to USD 11.5 billion, and corruption is believed to have contributed to driving up the total costs.
According to the International Rivers Network: Yacyretá Dam, despite the fact that there was well-documented evidence on engineering and construction companies, as well as politicians embezzling public funds, no one was ever brought to justice.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- Dealing with a construction permit n Argentina requires a company to go through 28 administrative steps, taking as much as 338 days at a cost of nearly 134% of GNI per capita.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give government administrative requirements (permits, regulations, reporting) in Argentina a score of 2.6 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'extremely burdensome' and 7 'not burdensome at all').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 3% of households who had contact with registry and permit services in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
- 2% of households who had to obtain public utilities in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the registry and permit services a score of 3.3 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
- Business executives give the medical services a score of 2.7 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
- Business executives give utilities services a score of 2.6 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- 5.7% of companies expect to give gifts in order to obtain an operating licence.
- 8.9% of the companies surveyed expect to give gifts to get a construction permit.
- The percentage of companies that expect to give gifts to obtain electrical, phone and water connections are quite low, being 2.8%, 2.1% and 0.77% respectively.
LAND ADMINISTRATION
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, despite the fact that companies' property rights are protected by Argentinean law, they are nevertheless not firmly anchored in institutions.
Corruption and politicisation within the judiciary and public administration make regulating property acquisition and enforcing property rights difficult in Argentina.
The time to be spent and steps a company must go through to register property in Argentina are slightly less cumbersome than in other South American countries, as reported by the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- Registering property in Argentina requires a company to go through 6 administrative steps and takes an average of 52 days at a cost of 7% of the property value.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the protection of property rights in Argentina, including financial assets, a score of 2.7 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'very weak' and 7 'very strong').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 3% of the households surveyed reported to have paid a bribe to land services in 2008.
TAX ADMINISTRATION
INDIVIDUAL CORRUPTION
The Government of Argentina struggles with high levels of tax evasion among its citizens, which inhibits the government from fully benefiting from a growing private tax base.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, individual tax evasion is driven by the public's mistrust of the government, which is again fuelled by the low effectiveness of public services and the after-effects of the corralito (freezing of bank accounts), the set of strict economic measures taken at the end of 2001, in which bank accounts were almost completely frozen and withdrawal of USD was forbidden.
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
Companies report that they experience corruption in tax collection, where they face frequent interaction with tax officials.
According to the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006, companies have more meetings with tax officials in Argentina than in most other countries in the South American region, and some companies report that they expect to give gifts to tax officials in connection with these meetings.
However, according to the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011, the number of annual tax payments has fallen considerately since 2006.
According to the US Department of State 2010, national taxation rules treat domestic and foreign companies equally; however, tax authorities do scrutinise tax declarations of foreign companies operating in Argentina with the intent of curbing the use of offshore companies to shelter profits and assets declaration.
This is further highlighted in Global Integrity 2008, where tax laws are assessed as being enforced discriminatorily.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to Javno News, in 2007, former Defence Minister Nilda Garre was questioned over a possible tax evasion case in relation to a government weapons deal.
There were allegations that the weapons were undervalued to avoid customs taxes. The investigation was, however, cancelled.
According to Global Integrity 2008, the head of Administración Federal de Ingresos Públicos (AFIP), the agency responsible for the national tax collection, was removed due to political differences with Custom's head and due to suspicions of corrupt involvement.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- A medium-size company operating in Argentina must make 9 payments to tax authorities every year, taking 453 hours on average at a total tax rate of 108% of profits.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 1% of households who had contact with tax revenue services throughout 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the tax revenue authorities a score of 2.6 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- Approximately 49% of companies report that a typical company declares less than 100% of its sales for tax purposes.
- Nearly 44% of companies identify tax administration as a major constraint for doing business.
- Almost 4% of companies report that they expect to give gifts in meeting with tax inspectors.
CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
According to Argentina Country Report 2010 by Credit-to-Cash Advisor, customs administration has been rife with corruption.
Some observers suggest that this situation is changing, but companies should note that others still consider the customs officials at border crossings to be coimeros, i.e. officials who receive bribes.
Business surveys by the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006 report ambiguous figures concerning the ease of clearing exports through customs. However, it is reported that a small proportion of companies give gifts in return for obtaining import licences.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
Global Integrity 2008 reports that customs laws are not enforced equally and without discrimination and the General Audit Office has detected that Customs has several deficiencies in control, which sometimes is related to poor infrastructure.
According to a March 2010 news article by Momento24, the Ezeiza Customs chief, Carlos Mechetti, along with 11 others were arrested for letting illegal merchandise into the Ezeiza airport in return for bribes.
According to Clarin, however, Mechetti was released after having paid a high bail.
According to a May 2010 news article by Merco Press, the opposition deputy Elisa Carrió claimed that to be able to export goods to Venezuela, local businessmen had to pay bribes equivalent to 25% of their exports’ value.
Elisa Carrió further stated that out of that amount, 15% went to Caracas and 10% went directly to Kirchner’s administration in Argentina.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- A standard export shipment of goods requires 9 documents and takes 13 days at an average cost of USD 1,480 per container.
- A standard import shipment of goods requires 7 documents and takes 16 days at an average cost of USD 1,810 per container.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the efficiency of customs procedures (formalities regulating the entry and exit of merchandise) in Argentina a score of 2.7 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'extremely inefficient' and 7 'extremely efficient').
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the customs a score of 3.6 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- It takes an average of 5.5 days to clear direct exports through customs.
- It takes an average of 8 days to clear imports from customs.
- Very few (0.6%) companies report that they expect to give gifts in order to obtain an import licence.
PUBLIC PROCUREMENT AND CONTRACTING
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
Although the legal framework for dealing with corruption in public procurement and contracting is largely in place, companies have identified corruption in procurement as a major impediment to trade and investment in Argentina.
According to the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006, more than one-fourth of the companies surveyed reported that they expected to give gifts in order to secure a government contract.
Companies intending to bid on procurement contracts in Argentina should be aware that tender procedures in the provinces have been identified as vulnerable to bribery and nepotism, as reported in Global Integrity Report 2004.
Companies are recommended to use a specialised due diligence public procurement tool in order to mitigate the corruption risks related to public procurement in Argentina.
According to Global Integrity 2008, unsuccessful bidders can challenge procurement decisions in courts; however, companies should take note that Argentinian courts are frequently cited as suffering from high levels of corruption and politicisation, as reported by the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010.
Provisions for the blacklisting of violators of procurement regulations are outlined in Decrees No. 1023/01 and No. 436/00 (both in Spanish).
According to Global Integrity 2008, in practice only small-sized companies are subjected to these laws since many larger companies routinely circumvent blacklisting by changing their financial statements in order to be allowed to participate in future procurement bids.
This makes it very difficult to carry out an effective mechanism to prohibit those companies from participating in future procurement bids.
See more on public procurement under the section on 'Public Anti-Corruption Initiatives'.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to the US Department of State 2009, an investigation by the Ministry of Justice's Anti-Corruption Office (ACO) revealed that 75% of the public purchases made by the government of Argentina between 2002 and 2005 were done via direct contracts and not via public tenders, which raised concern over the facilitation of corruption and access to fair competition among providers.
Government officials circumvented procurement rules by disaggregating contract components so that no part exceeded the legally-mandated ARS 10,000 limit for sole sourcing, by writing contracts specifications so that only one provider could meet the requirement or by not advertising tenders.
According to the same source, in December 2008, Siemens AG, a German company, acknowledged that its employees paid government officials in several countries.
One of the confessions was that Siemens' Argentina had bribed government officials in order to obtain a contract for a USD 1 billion national identity card project.
According to a 2009 news article by Reuters, former President Carlos Menem was charged with fraud.
He was accused of taking bribes from a French company, in return for granting a contract to the company in the 1990s.
The case is currently under investigation.
See more on public procurement under the section on 'Public Anti-Corruption Initiatives'.
FREQUENCY
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the diversion of public funds to companies, individuals, or groups due to corruption a score of 2.1 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'very common' and 7 'never occurs').
- Business executives give Argentinean government officials' favouritism towards well-connected companies and individuals when deciding upon policies and contracts a score of 1.9 (1 being 'always show favouritism' and 7 being 'never show favouritism').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- Nearly 26% of companies expect to give gifts in order to secure a government contract.
- The expected value of a gift for securing a government contract is 2.5% of the value of the contract.
ENVIRONMENT, NATURAL RESOURCES AND EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRY
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
Skanska, a Swedish contracting company, is being investigated for its alleged role in a major corruption scandal in Argentina.
According to several sources such as Unicorn, the court case started in Buenos Aires on 11 April 2008, but is progressing slowly because the case has been passed from judge to judge.
The Buenos Aires office of Skanska is accused of having bribed several high-ranking officials in the government tender agency in order to obtain a contract for the expansion of a natural gas pipeline in northern Argentina.
The head of the tender agency and the director of the national gas company have been dismissed by President Kirchner. Originally starting as a case of tax evasion in which Skanska admitted to having evaded taxes in Argentina totalling almost USD 6 million, the independent Centro de Investigación y Prevención de la Criminalidad Económica (CIPCE, in Spanish) has discovered systematic use of false invoices and mail-order companies that have been used to cover up corruption. Opposition politicians and a judge have accused some government officials and former Economy Minister Felisa Miceli of receiving about USD 25 million in illegal payments for the government contract. The public prosecutor stated that he could prove that the state paid 152% more than market price, and is now seeking evidence that Skanska bribed officials. An internal audit of Skanska revealed that managers of the company had paid 'undue commissions' to unnamed officials to secure the contract. According to a May 2009 news article by Momento24, Skanska has fired seven of its executives who were subsequently arrested. Furthermore Skanska has paid the Argentinean tax authorities USD 5 million.
PUBLIC ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVES
Legislation: Corruption is addressed in the Argentinean Criminal Code (in Spanish), which criminalises attempted corruption, extortion, active and passive bribery, bribery of foreign officials, private sector corruption and money laundering. A public official who accepts money in order to refrain from acting in the exercise of his or her duties can be punished with up to 6 years of imprisonment and permanent removal from his or her duties. Similarly, a judge or minister who accepts any undue advantage can be punished with up to 12 years of imprisonment and permanent removal from his or her duties. Argentina is a State Party to the OECD Convention and has signed and ratified the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption as well as the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC). Furthermore, Argentina has been taking an active role in several anti-corruption initiatives, such as UNCAC’s Conference of State Parties, and the Mechanism for Follow-Up on the Implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Corruption (MESICIC). Additionally, Argentina is also participating in the pilot programme to test methodologies for UNCAC. Consequently, Global Integrity 2008 assesses the legal framework for addressing corruption to be 'very strong'; however the same source also cites a number of legal deficiencies, such as the lack of implementation and enforcement of a specialised law for access to information and the Public Ethics Law, which obliges public officials to declare their assets, as well as formal protection of individuals reporting corruption. According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, after five years in the legislative pipeline, a Freedom of Information Act failed to be passed in 2006. Access the Lexadin World Law Guide for a collection of legislation in Argentina.
Government Strategies: After his 2003 election, former President Mr. Kirchner initially made fighting corruption a priority, and various legal measures were enacted and institutions established in order to curb corruption. According to the US Department of State 2008, the government has been trying to reduce tax evasion since 2006 by stepping up enforcement efforts and encouraging the use of credit card purchases, while at the same time using the media to increase public awareness of tax obligations and to shame evaders. Despite these efforts, tax evasion continues to be pervasive in Argentina, as reported by the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010. Although the legal framework and public entities for fighting corruption are largely in place, anti-corruption has not continued to be a key priority for President Cristina Kirchner. However, on a more positive note, the Government of Argentina participated in a pilot programme to test methodologies for UNCAC implementation review. The corresponding UNODC 2010 country report is the outcome of a peer review process and assesses the implementation of selected UNCAC articles. Participation in the programme and publication of the report was purely voluntary.
Anti-Corruption Agency: The Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish) was established under the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights in accordance with Law No. 2.233 of 1999, and has further been restructured in 2005 (Decree No. 163/2005) and in 2007 (Decree No. 466/2007). The agency is responsible for preparing and coordinating anti-corruption policies as well as investigating cases of corruption. According to UNODC 2010 country report, the agency has investigated between 400-500 cases since 2000, with most of these being related to fraud and incompatibility. Currently, 83 cases are being pursued by the agency as plaintiff; however, none of them have received any final judgement yet. The office's main task is to enforce the provisions of the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, and hence reflects the preventative and punitive aspects of the convention in its institutional design. The office administers the system of asset disclosure records for public officials and has a whistleblower mechanism (in Spanish) on its website. According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, although the office can independently initiate investigations, it depends on the political will in order to initiate certain types of investigations. The office is generally viewed as a credible institution in the fight against corruption and has indeed presented several independently initiated investigations to the courts. However much of its work is undermined by the inefficiency of the judiciary, which often fails to act or follow up on the cases. Furthermore, the head of the anti-corruption agency is politically appointed, which, according to Global Integrity 2008, largely prevents the agency from carrying out its duties independently.
Auditor-General: The Auditoría General de la Nación (AGN, in Spanish) is responsible for assisting the Congress in supervising public sector financial activity and audits public expenditures and administration. Several of its auditing functions are coordinated and undertaken in collaboration with the National General Syndicate Office (SIGEN, in Spanish). The AGN publishes public reports on its findings and is able to make its own investigations. However, Global Integrity 2008 reports that the government rarely acts on its findings, and most of these findings are deemed to be ‘sensitive’ for the government. Moreover, the law does not require the government to act on the AGN’s findings. The main opposition party in the Congress elects the head of the AGN and the agency is a self-governing office. Read more about AGN's mandate, independence and procedures on the website of INTOSAI, the organisation of supreme audit institutions for UN member countries.
Ombudsman: The Defensor del Pueblo de la Nación (in Spanish) was created in 1993 to protect human rights and any other rights and interests protected by the constitution and laws. The institution is protected against political interference by law and according to Global Integrity 2008, this is generally respected in practice. The Ombudsman cannot be removed without justification and no cases of removal without justification have been found. Reports (in Spanish) are issued annually and can be found on the website of the Ombudsman. The website also contains a complaint mechanism (in Spanish) to which any violations of human rights as well as physical abuses can be reported. However, according to Global Integrity 2008, the authorities do not always act on the findings of the Ombudsman, and by law they are only required to answer and give reasons in cases the Ombudsman asks for them. Nevertheless, the Ombudsman is described by the Global Integrity 2008 as 'very strong'.
E-Governance: The official Government of Argentina portal allows individuals and companies to locate useful information on public services. The portal has a guide to obtaining various administrative services in Argentina (in Spanish), many of which are relevant for companies seeking to invest or do business in the country. According to the Follow-Up Mechanism to the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, e-procurement in Argentina is not well-developed. Yet, the government has taken the initial legal steps to make it possible for public agencies and suppliers to communicate and submit bids electronically. Although still in its early stages of development, the Oficina Nacional de Contrataciones (in Spanish) runs a central database for public tenders known as SIPRO.
Public Procurement: Public procurement in Argentina is governed by Decrees No. 436/2000 (in Spanish) and No.1023/2001 (in Spanish), which apply to those contracting procedures to which the federal government, central or decentralised administration is party. Procurements must be published on the website of the Oficina Nacional de Contrataciones (in Spanish), with competitive bidding being required for tenders that exceed ARS 75,000. Nevertheless, Freedom House 2010 describes the Argentine legal framework for government procurement as outdated and inadequate, leaving plenty of room for allegations of corrupt practices. Companies have identified corruption in public procurement as a major obstacle for trade and investment in Argentina. According to Global Integrity 2008, some of the deficiencies of the public procurement regime are the poor public access to results of major procurement bids and the absence of an effective system to prevent companies found guilty of major violations of procurement regulations from participating in future bids. A registry of the companies guilty of corruption in procurement exists, but it is common for blacklisted companies to circumvent this by simply changing their names and continuing to bid on future tenders. Also, conflict of interest regulations for public procurement officials are reportedly not enforced in practice.
Whistle-Blowing: According to a 2008 OECD report, the Defendants and Witnesses Protection National Program Law of 2003 (Law 25.764) establishes a national witness protection programme, although it only applies to 'organized crime' or to 'institutional violence' such as kidnapping, drug trafficking and terrorism. The law does not specifically include foreign bribery and corruption cases. In Argentina, 16 out of the 23 provinces have implemented some sort of witness protection programme, but none have extended to foreign bribery cases. According to Freedom House 2010, there is no adequate law in Argentina to provide protection for whistleblowers, therefore anti-corruption activists and investigators are afraid of reprisals when they report cases of corruption and bribery. Nevertheless, cases of corruption can be reported to the Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish) via its online whistleblower mechanism and the Auditorìa General de la Nación (in Spanish) via e-mail, telephone, or in person. Complaints can also be filed to the Oficina del Defensor del Pueblo de la Nación via e-mail. Hence, Global Integrity 2008 describes whistle-blowing measures in Argentina as 'very weak'.
General Comments on the Public Anti-Corruption Initiatives: It is widely agreed that Argentina has a well-developed legal and institutional framework for dealing with corruption. However, studies and surveys indicate that cumbersome bureaucracy constitutes a problem, which could explain why Argentina often ranks significantly lower than other Latin American countries on various corruption indices. Several observers have cited the centralised political dominance of the Kirchner government as a factor contributing to corruption, as it undermines a system of checks and balances. Some of the public anti-corruption initiatives have not been implemented due to an inefficient judiciary, which is often characterised as corrupt and subject to political influence. Global Integrity 2007 cites a study of 750 cases of corruption, which reveals that trials of this type last an average of 14 years and hardly ever end in convictions. Critics argue that the original initiative of former President Mr. Kirchner's anti-corruption agenda has lost momentum and anti-corruption was not an issue in President Mrs. Kirchner's campaign platform in 2007.
PRIVATE ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVES
Media: According to Freedom House 2010, the Argentinean government occasionally restricts press freedom, despite that freedom of press and of media are protected under the Constitution (Article 14). In 2008, a ruling by the Supreme Court asserted the press's right to criticise government officials, and libel was decriminalised in 2009. However, journalists can still face fines if they are found to engage in wilful slander. Nonetheless that, the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010 reports that independent journalists are still verbally mistreated by officials and funds for state advertising are used to reward media considered friendly towards the government. According to another report from Freedom House 2010, in May 2009, five private media companies were offered to have their tax debts cancelled by President Cristina Kirchner, in return for portraying the Kirchners in a positive light in advertisement campaigns. On the other hand, Argentina’s largest newspaper, Clarin was raided by 200 tax agents in the same year after published a story alleging the improper allocation of a large subsidy by a government farm trade agency. Journalists and editors sometimes 'sell' their coverage in exchange for favours, gifts or money, as reported in Global Integrity 2008. Corruption can be a dangerous issue for journalists to report about. According to a 2008 article from Reporters Without Borders, the radio and newspaper journalist Juan Parada is now under police protection after he received several death threats for exposing corruption involving local court, police and municipal officials in the Neuquén province in May 2008. Furthermore, according to Freedom House 2010, Argentina has one of the highest Internet usage rates in the region with about 30% of the population having access to the Internet. According to the same source, there were no new reports of restrictions on the Internet in 2009, expect from some search results being censored in order to protect celebrities’ privacy. Reporters Without Borders 2010 ranks Argentina ranks 47th out of 175 countries, while Freedom House 2010 ranks the country 100th out of 196 countries in relation to press freedom and describes the press environment as 'partly free'.
Civil Society: The Bertelsmann Foundation 2010 reports that Argentina has a moderate tradition of civil society, but characterises civil society in the country as broadly organised and highly differentiated. The rights to freedom of assembly and associations are generally respected by the government, although some continue to fall victim to the corruption that continues to pervade Argentina’s politics and economy. According to Freedom House 2010, NGOs play a significant role in society in overseeing government policies on various issues, and are occasionally invited to testify or comment on pending bills. Nevertheless, absence of legislative agendas and a lack of information have limited the capacity of NGOs to influence pending bills. Despite the fact that anti-corruption and good governance organisations operate freely, Global Integrity 2008 reports that their relevance in the policy-making process has diminished, although they have received a greater degree of recognition in public opinion and attention from the media. Still, Global Integrity 2008 describes civil society organisations in Argentina as being 'very strong'.
Poder Ciudadano (in Spanish): Poder Ciudadano is the Argentinean chapter of Transparency International, and has undertaken studies of vulnerabilities in public procurement. As a result of a 'Transparency Agreement', Poder Ciudadano has been monitoring the bidding process for the local waste collection services contract in one municipality in 2008 with positive impact in terms of increased transparency and citizen participation (read more about the 'Transparency Agreement'). Poder Ciudadano has successfully influenced public opinion on the issue of corruption, but some of its critical publications have also led to criticism from the government. The organisation has supported the first 'Business Sector Agreement' in Argentina signed by nine water-pipe manufacturers, who have agreed to refrain from engaging in corruption and bribery - a kind of Integrity Pact. Poder Ciudadano has a whistleblower mechanism on its website and maintains a list of institutions that receive complaints about corruption (in Spanish). In September 2009, Poder Ciudadano launched theAdvocacy and Legal Advice Centre (ALAC), to provide free legal advice and assistance to victims and witnesses of corruption, according to a 2009 press release by Transparency International. Poder Ciudadano also publishes annual reports.
http://www.cipce.org.ar/Centro de Investigación y Prevención de la Criminalidad Económica (CIPCE, in Spanish) is an independent organisation dedicated to developing policies to prevent economic crimes. The agency investigates white collar crimes and has been involved in the exposure of a large scale corruption scandal related to the expansion of a natural gas pipeline in northern Argentina.
RESOURCES
The websites listed below provide useful facts on Argentina as well as contacts and tools for companies operating in Argentina:
International Finance Corporation: Latin America & the Caribbean SME Toolkit (in Spanish)
Guide to sustainable business management practices for SMEs.
Business Fighting Corruption
An online resource centre for business on collective action to avoid corruption which contains a guide and resources for partnerships with companies and other stakeholders to fight against corruption.
CIA World Factbook: Argentina Profile
World Bank: Argentina Data Profile
SOURCES FOR FURTHER READING:
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
CONVENTIONS AND INDICES
OECD ANTI-BRIBERY CONVENTION STATUS: ENTRY INTO FORCE OF IMPLEMENTING LEGISLATION 10 NOVEMBER 1999. DEPOSIT OF INSTRUMENT OF RATIFICATION 8 FEBRUARY 2001. ENTRY INTO FORCE 9 APRIL 2001.
This field describes the country's status on the OECD Convention on Bribery of Foreign Officials in International Business Transactions. Please note any declarations and reservations made upon ratification. View the list of signatories to the OECD Convention. Read more about the OECD Convention.
UNCAC STATUS: SIGNED 10 DECEMBER 2003. RATIFIED 28 AUGUST 2006.
This field describes the country's status on the United Nations Convention against Corruption. Please note any declarations and reservations made upon ratification. The list of signatories can be found on the UNODC website. Read more about the UNCAC. The Government of Argentina participated in a pilot programme to test methodologies for UNCAC implementation review. The corresponding Argentina UNCAC Pilot Review Programme Implementation Report 2010 is the outcome of a peer review process and assesses the implementation of selected UNCAC articles. Participation in the programme and publication of the report was purely voluntary.
OTHER RELEVANT CONVENTIONS OR TREATIES:
Inter-American Convention Against Corruption: Signed 28 March 1996. Ratified 4 August 1997.
Read Transparency International's summary and assessment of the convention.
United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime: Signed 12 December 2000. Ratified 19 November 2002.
Read Transparency International's summary and assessment of the convention.
TRANSPARENCY CPI: 2010: 105/178 (SCORE: 2.9)
Transparency CPI
This field consists of the score for the country in question on the Corruption Perceptions Index from Transparency International as well as its ranking.
WORLD BANK CORR INDEX (-2.5 - +2.5): 2009: -0.49
World Bank Corruption Index
This field consists of the score for the country in question on the 'Control of Corruption' indicator in the World Bank Governance Research Indicator Country Snapshot (GRICS): 1996-2009.
OECD COUNTRY RISK CLASSIFICATION (0-7): 2011: 7
Country Risk Classification
The classification of countries by risk category has the aim of providing OECD countries with a basis for calculating the premium interest rate to be charged to cover the risk of non-repayment of export credits. Countries are placed in risk categories 0 - 7, with 0 being the lowest risk category and thus the least expensive. Conversely, premium group 7 is the highest risk category. Each classification is comprised of 2 components: 1) an assessment of the country's economic/financial situation, and 2) its overall political stability. Access the complete list of OECD Country Risk Classification figures.
DATA VERIFICATION:
Publication date: December 2010
Data verified by: Global Advice Network
INFORMATION NETWORK
RELEVANT ORGANISATIONS
Poder Ciudadano (in Spanish)
Fundación Poder Ciudadano
Piedras 547
C1070AAK Buenos Aires
Tel/Fax: +54 11 4331 4925
E-mail:comunicacion(at)poderciudadano.org
National chapter of Transparency International.
Centro de Investigación y Prevención de la Criminalidad Económica (CIPCE, in Spanish)
Talcahuano 256, piso 2
Ciudad de Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4373 6303/04
E-mail: cipce(at)ceppas.org
NGO advocating for the creation/strengthening of policies that prevent economic crimes. The organisation investigates white collar crime.
ICC Argentina
Sarmiento 299
Piso 4to, Office 400
C1041AAE Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4316 7155/7095
Fax: +54 11 4316 7795
(E-mails can be sent from the website)
The national committee of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Argentina.
Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish)
Tucumán 394
Código Postal
C1049AAH
Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 5167 6400
E-mail: anticorrupcion(at)jus.gov.ar
Complaints: denuncia(at)jus.gov.ar
The national anti-corruption office. Operates under the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
Subsecretaría de la Pequeña y Mediana Empresa y Desarrollo Regional (in Spanish)
Av. Paseo Colón 189
Planta Baja
1063 Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 0800 333 7963
E-mail: atencionpyme(at)sepyme.gov.ar
Sub-secretariat of the Ministry of Economy and Production with information for small and medium-sized companies.
PARTNER EMBASSIES
Embassy of Denmark (in Spanish)
Avenida Leandro N. Alem 1074, piso 9,
C1001AAS Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4312 6901
Fax: +54 11 4312 7857
E-mail: bueamb(at)um.dk
Embassy.
Embassy of the Netherlands (in Spanish)
Edificio Porteño II,
Olga Cossenttini 831, piso 3
C1107BVA Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4338 0050
Fax: +54 11 4338 0060
E-mail: bue(at)minbuza.nl
Embassy.
Embassy of Norway (in Spanish)
Carlos Pellegrini 1427, 2do piso
C1011AAC Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4328 8717
Fax: +54 11 4328 9048
E-mail: emb.buenosaires(at)mfa.no
Embassy.
Embassy of Sweden (in Spanish)
Embajada de Suecia
Casilla de Correo 3599
C1000WBJ Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4329 0800
Fax: +54 11 4342 1697
E-mail: ambassaden.buenos-aires(at)foreign.ministry.se
Embassy.
British Embassy
British Embassy Buenos Aires
Dr. Luis Agote 2412
1425 Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4808 2200
Fax: +54 11 4808 2274
E-mail: askconsular.baires(at)fco.gov.uk
Embassy.
Embassy of Austria
Calle French 3671
1425 Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4809 5800
Fax: +54 11 4805 4016
(E-mails can be sent from the website)
Embassy.
COUNTRY PROFILE SOURCES
GENERAL INFORMATION SOURCES
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Countries at the Crossroads - Argentina 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2009.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
US Department of State: Human Rights Report - Argentina 2009.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version).
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Gabriele Tondl: Trade, integration and economic development: the EU and Latin America 2008.
Lexadin: The World Law Guide - Legislation Argentina 2008.
The Wall Street Journal: 'Argentina Vows to Repay it's Paris Club Dept', 3 September 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
BBC News: 'Argentina's First Lady Wins Poll', 30 October 2007.
BBC News: 'Key Questions in Argentina's Election', 27 October 2007.
BBC News: 'Q&A: Argentine Election', 25 October 2007.
ABC Internacional: 'Christina Fernandez no quire ser vista como la mujer del presidente', 23 October 2007.
El Pais: 'Imputada la ministra de Defensa Argentina por Contrabando de Armas', 20 July 2007.
Deutche Presse-Argentur: 'Argentinian Minister Resigns after 60,000 dollars found in Bathroom', 17 July 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2006.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
BBC News: Argentina Country Profile.
GENERAL INFORMATION
Political Climate
The Argentine economy has been steadily improving since it slid into recession in the late 1990s, which culminated with a deep financial, political and social crisis at the end of 2001.
Due to record unemployment levels and a highly overvalued and inflexible currency, the crisis rapidly plunged more than half of the population into poverty while foreign investors suffered substantial losses.
However, in the years following the crisis, impressive growth rates have been sustained and the political climate has been stabilised.
The country has made good progress in restoring investor confidence and observers now agree that Argentina once again represents an attractive destination for foreign investors.
President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, wife to recently deceased former President Néstor Kirchner, won a clear-cut victory at the presidential elections of November 2007. The victory was helped by a fragmented political opposition, strong growth rates as well as the popularity of her husband.
In contrast to her husband, President Cristina Kirchner has not been very outspoken concerning corruption, and anti-corruption policies have not been at the forefront of her administration's agenda.
Although her husband's administration introduced various anti-corruption initiatives, it is generally agreed that corruption and graft have remained widespread and political patronage systems deep-rooted.
According to Freedom House 2010, a lack of independence from the executive branch has largely hampered several anti-corruption agencies from carrying out their roles effectively.
A lack of political will means that corrupt officials are not fully subjected to Argentine anti-corruption laws. Key laws and institutions reportedly face major implementation and enforcement shortcomings, leaving them largely ineffective.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, abuse of office by elected officials usually goes unpunished, and the political and administrative system as a whole lacks transparency, efficiency and neutrality.
Until recently, the Kirchners' centre-left party, the Justicialist Party (commonly known as the Peronist Party), dominated both Houses of Parliament and held the majority of governorships.
However, while being very popular in the beginning of her term in office, the popularity of President Kirchner has slowly decreased and her party lost its comfortable congressional majority in June 2009.
Seen together, as they often are by analysts, the Kirchners have been criticised for monopolising decision-making power in the presidency and bills approved during their time in office have strengthened the position of the President by allowing for easier introduction of 'emergency' decrees and by increasing the President's budgetary control.
The problem of political corruption in Argentina is confirmed by Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer 2009, where political parties are ranked the most corrupt body in Argentina, followed by public officials, parliament and the judiciary.
The same survey also reveals that 81% of the household respondents consider the government's efforts in fighting corruption as 'ineffective'.
This information is backed by the Latinobarómetro 2008 (see English version), in which the public respondents believe that on average 76% of public officials in Argentina are corrupt, and the majority believe that the occurrence of corruption is more prevalent within the political system than in the general society.
According to the Latinobarómetro 2009, only 35% of the surveyed public respondents believe that elections have been ‘clean’ in Argentina in the past.
Moreover, Argentina is among the Latin American countries included in both surveys where the least respondents believe that there has been progress in fighting corruption.
Distrust in political parties is not only prevalent amongst the general public, but also the businesses executives surveyed in the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011 give a score of 1.4 on a 7-point scale to the level of public trust in the ethical standards of Argentinian politicians (1 being ‘very low’ and 7’very high’).
Cases of corruption include the Minister of Economy who had to resign in July 2007 after a suitcase packed with public funds was found hidden in her office bathroom, as reported by Deutche Presse-Argentur 2007.
Also, in that same month, according to Freedom House 2010, the Argentine customs officers uncovered a suitcase with USD 800,000 worth in cash, carried by a Venezuelan businessman, who claimed that the money was Venezuelan government funds to support Cristina Fernández's presidential campaign.
This led to the resignation of the director of the agency that is responsible for privatised highway concessions, and who had also been on the same flight.
The case is still under the investigation in Argentina.
It is cases like these that continue to cultivate Argentinian citizen's distrust in their political institutions and elected officials.
Business and Corruption
Companies operating in Argentina are affected by both public and private sector corruption.
Transparency International Global Corruption Barometer 2009 reveals that the general public considers corruption to have a major impact on the business environment.
When respondents were asked which sectors they perceived to be affected by corruption, the private sector scored 3.7 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
According to the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, it is common for companies to make irregular payments or bribes connected with imports and exports, public utilities, annual tax payment and awarding of public contracts and licences.
Moreover, corruption is ranked as the fourth most problematic factor for doing business in Argentina, after policy instability, inflation and access to finance.
Interacting with public agencies is necessary for establishing or maintaining business operations in Argentina, like everywhere else.
However, according to the reports cited above, this interaction in Argentina frequently entails unethical behaviour, including corruption.
Investors are therefore advised to be prepared to deal with demands for bribes and other forms of corruption by strengthening and developing internal policies, codes of conduct, procedures and instructions (see Integrity System for practical tools).
It is also recommended that companies conduct extensive due diligence when planning to invest or already doing business in Argentina.
According to the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006, companies report that bribes or gifts are expected when interacting with tax inspectors, when bidding on public tenders and when applying for various licences and permits.
There are indications that a close relationship exists between the high levels of corruption within the political and administrative system and bribery by the private sector.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, all political and administrative levels are vulnerable to corruption and political influences.
Corruption continues to permeate both the government and the private sector. An area of special concern for companies is bidding on public tenders.
According to Enterprise Surveys 2006, nearly 26% of the surveyed companies expect to give gifts to secure a government contract.
In order to effectively reduce the risk of extortion and demands for bribes in the procurement process, investors considering bidding on public tenders in Argentina are advised to use a specialised due diligence tool on public procurement.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, organised labour plays a strong role in Argentina, but trade unions are frequently accused of being controlled by the government, which has influenced sector-specific negotiations between unions and industry.
The same source also reports that trade union leaders are frequently regarded as part of the political establishment and are therefore often mistrusted by workers.
Established trade unions are widely associated with high levels of corruption.
According to Global Integrity 2006, the close, at times opaque, relationship between politicians and unions is illustrated by the case of Secretary of Transportation, Ricardo Jaime, who approved an advance subsidy of USD 5.5 million beginning in 2003 to the union of truck drivers, which supports a close ally of President Kirchner.
Freedom House 2010 reports that Ricardo Jaime was forced to resign from his position due to 25 different charges of alleged corruption.
Regulatory Environment
Even though Argentina remains open to foreign investment and foreign companies can invest in the country on the same conditions as national companies, complicated and time-consuming regulations continue to pose an obstacle to doing business in Argentina.
The World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006 reveals that senior managers spend nearly 16% of their time dealing with the requirements of government regulations.
According to the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, policy instability is ranked as the most problematic factor for doing business in Argentina by companies.
According to the same report, government policy-making is highly non-transparent in Argentina.
Combined with frequent changes in policies in some sectors, companies find themselves subject to considerable uncertainty in relation to unpredictable and inconsistent interpretations of relevant regulations by government officials.
Although foreign trade has been liberalised, a number of administrative barriers remain. According to the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011, Argentina performs poorly in the area of starting a business, and in dealing with licences and paying taxes.
Several observers, as well as business and public perception surveys, including the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, describe the Argentinean judiciary as severely politicised and plagued by corruption.
The US Department of State 2010 notes that public confidence in the judiciary is weak, but domestic investment dispute resolution is nevertheless available through local courts or administrative procedures.
According to the International Trade Centre 2004, to deal with the problem of Argentina's many arbitration centres competing against one another, 25 arbitration centres in Argentina adopted a harmonisation approach, agreeing to use the same procedural rules and to conduct a cooperative branding campaign to raise awareness domestically and internationally.
Gabriele Tondl writes in Trade, integration and economic development 2008 that two agencies, the Amicable Negotiations Federal Council and the Amicable Negotiations Proceedings Body, were created by the government in 2003 as alternatives to international arbitration to conduct amicable negotiations under the provisions of bilateral investment treaties.
Companies that seek recourse through Argentinean courts, however, cannot dually pursue recourse through international arbitration.
International arbitration of investment disputes is available for those disputes that cannot be settled through amicable consultation and negotiation between the parties.
Many foreign companies prefer to include provisions for private or international arbitration in their contracts rather than deal with Argentina's courts.
Argentina accepts the principle of international arbitration and is a party to the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), the New York Convention 1958 (UNCITRAL), and the World Bank's Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA).
Investment incentives aimed at attracting foreign investors are promoted through a number of government-run investment programmes.
These programmes provide a range of benefits for investors, including VAT refunds and access to free trade zones.
The investment promotion programmes are explored further on the websites of Subsecretaría de Industría (in Spanish) and of the National Investment Development Agency.
Relevant information for small and medium-sized companies can be found at the website of the Subsecretaría de la Pequeña y Mediana Empresa y Desarrollo Regional (SEPYME, in Spanish), which also runs ProArgentina (in Spanish), a portal containing export-related information for and about small and medium-sized companies in Argentina.
Companies can also access the Lexadin World Law Guide for a collection of legislation in Argentina.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
INDIVIDUAL CORRUPTION
According to Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer 2009, the judiciary is perceived by households as one of the most corrupt institutions in the country.
Among the Latin American countries included in the Latinobarómetro 2008 (see English version) public opinion survey, Argentina is the country where the largest percentage of respondents believe that it is possible to get a favourable sentence by bribing a judge.
According to the US Department of State 2009, provincial courts and federal courts at the provincial levels are alleged to be more prone to corruption compared to federal courts at the city levels and the federal court over the province of Buenos Aires.
Furthermore, Global Integrity 2008 assesses the accountability of the judiciary in Argentina as being 'weak'.
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
The protection of free competition and property rights is impeded by corruption within the judiciary and by political pressure on judges.
According to the US Department of State 2010, despite of the availability of local investment dispute adjudication through local courts or administrative procedures, many investors prefer private or international arbitration.
According to the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011, enforcing contracts through Argentinean courts is cumbersome, time-consuming and costly when compared to the average for OECD countries.
Companies should note that lengthy and complicated bureaucratic procedures are widely regarded as fuelling the use of bribes, although there is little evidence of companies' experiences in this regard in the judiciary in Argentina.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to Global Integrity 2007, in August 2007, the Council of the Magistracy suspended Judge Guillermo Tiscornia, and initiated a trial against him.
The main accusation was that Tiscornia's father requested a bribe of USD 4 million from the Spanish company CODERE, so that his son would not convict the directors of the company.
The day before his suspension, in an attempt to avoid his dismissal, Tiscornia accused the Minister of Defence Nilda Garré of smuggling spare rifle parts into the United States.
The investigation of Garré, however, was cancelled within a week.
According to Freedom House 2010, although former President Néstor Kirchner initiated several measures to deal with allegations of politicisation and corruption within the judiciary, such as the appointment of magistrates based on professional qualifications, incompetent and corrupt judges still remain serious problems.
The Bertelsmann Foundation 2010 reports that the judicial reform measures implemented under Kirchner are, however, a positive step towards increased transparency and neutrality within the judiciary.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- Enforcing a commercial contract in Argentina requires a company to go through an average of 36 administrative procedures, taking an average of 590 days and costing an average of 16.5% of the claim.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the independence of the judiciary from the influence of members of government, citizens, or companies a score of 2.6 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'heavily influenced' and 7 'entirely independent').
- Business executives give the efficiency of the legal framework for private companies to settle disputes and to challenge the legality of government actions and/or regulations a score of 2.6 and 2.3 respectively on a 7-point scale (1 being 'extremely inefficient' and 7 'highly efficient').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- Citizens give the judiciary a score of 4.2 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
- 50% of households surveyed consider the judiciary to be 'extremely corrupt'.
- 4% of households who had contact with the judiciary in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version):
- 54% of the respondents in this public opinion survey believe that it is possible to bribe a judge in order to get a favourable sentence - the highest percentage of all 18 Latin American countries included in the survey.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the judiciary a score of 3.7 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- Less than 16% of companies operating in Argentina perceive the judiciary as fair, impartial and uncorrupted.
POLICE
INDIVIDUAL CORRUPTION
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, the police force is perceived to be one of the most corrupt institutions in Argentina.
As is the case in many other countries in the region, paying bribes to the traffic police is a common tactic for avoiding legal penalties for traffic violations.
This is backed by the Latinobarómetro 2008 (see English version) which reveals that Argentina is one of the countries in the region where most respondents in the public opinion survey believe that it is possible to bribe a policeman in order to avoid a fine or arrest.
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
Companies should note that the Argentinean police are frequently cited as a corrupt institution, as reported by the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, and the police force's actions are often viewed as arbitrary and politicised.
According to Freedom House 2010, extrajudicial action is not uncommon, and the Buenos Aires police have been involved in several incidents of drug trafficking, corruption and extortion.
According to the US Department of State 2009, between January and December 2008, there were 120 investigations against police officers in relation to allegations of corruption and criminal involvement.
Citing a local newspaper, the same source also reports that there were 13,619 police officers being investigated for acts of corruption, violence, or irregularities in Buenos Aires Province between 2008 and 2009.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
Accountability within the police force is questionable and, according to Global Integrity 2008, the police are frequently subject to political interference.
There are cases where corrupt police officers were made immune from the criminal proceedings and cases where a lack of resources or the lack of will to investigate corruption cases related to police officials was an obstacle.
Furthermore, budget constraints affect the police's ability to carry out their mandate, and poor salaries are cited as an incentive towards petty corruption within the police.
The Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish), Argentina's anti-corruption agency, has an internal mechanism through which civil servants can complain about police actions.
Attorneys and police stations receive complaints as well.
According to Freedom House 2010, police abuse is rarely punished in the courts due to intimidation of witnesses and judges, especially in the province of Buenos Aires.
FREQUENCY
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the reliability of the Argentinean police services to enforce law and order a score of 3.0 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'cannot be relied upon at all' and 7 'can always be relied upon').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 9% of households who had contact with the police in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version):
- 59% of respondents in this public opinion survey believe that it is possible to bribe a police official to avoid a fine or arrest.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the police a score of 3.9 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- 25.4% of companies surveyed identify crime, theft and disorder as major constraints to doing business.
- 76% of companies surveyed pay for security in Argentina.
LICENCES, INFRASTRUCTURE AND PUBLIC UTILITIES
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
According to Global Integrity 2008, despite the transparent laws on regulatory requirements for basic health, environmental and safety standards for businesses, there are nevertheless cases where corruption has led to enforcement inconsistencies.
In 2004, a fire accident in the nightclub 'Cromañón' caused a death toll of 194 and thousands of injuries.
According to The Argentimes 2009, the accident caused a scandal when corruption links between the club owner and several individuals, including the Mayor of Buenos Aires were revealed.
After a more than 4-year long trial, the club owner was convicted of bribery and was sentenced to 20 years in prison and the former Mayor was dismissed from his post in 2006 for tolerating and ignoring safety checks at the club.
In a recent survey conducted by the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, business executives surveyed indicate that the level of government regulation in the country represents a competitive disadvantage.
Therefore, companies should note that excessive bureaucracy can possibly be associated with the use of facilitation payments.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to Global Integrity 2008, the quality of the civil service in Argentina is seriously affected by political interference and civil servants who act against the government's policies can be punished.
The 1983 to 1994 Yacyretá Dam hydroelectric project on the border of Argentina and Paraguay, partly financed by the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, is widely known as a 'monument to corruption'.
It is a typical mega-project that has proven to be vulnerable to large-scale corruption.
Yacyretá Dam was intended to be a clean and cheap source of energy, but large cost overruns have meant that the energy produced is not economic.
According to Transparency International Global Corruption Report 2008, the original budget of USD 2.7 billion was inflated to USD 11.5 billion, and corruption is believed to have contributed to driving up the total costs.
According to the International Rivers Network: Yacyretá Dam, despite the fact that there was well-documented evidence on engineering and construction companies, as well as politicians embezzling public funds, no one was ever brought to justice.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- Dealing with a construction permit n Argentina requires a company to go through 28 administrative steps, taking as much as 338 days at a cost of nearly 134% of GNI per capita.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give government administrative requirements (permits, regulations, reporting) in Argentina a score of 2.6 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'extremely burdensome' and 7 'not burdensome at all').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 3% of households who had contact with registry and permit services in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
- 2% of households who had to obtain public utilities in 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the registry and permit services a score of 3.3 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
- Business executives give the medical services a score of 2.7 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
- Business executives give utilities services a score of 2.6 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- 5.7% of companies expect to give gifts in order to obtain an operating licence.
- 8.9% of the companies surveyed expect to give gifts to get a construction permit.
- The percentage of companies that expect to give gifts to obtain electrical, phone and water connections are quite low, being 2.8%, 2.1% and 0.77% respectively.
LAND ADMINISTRATION
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, despite the fact that companies' property rights are protected by Argentinean law, they are nevertheless not firmly anchored in institutions.
Corruption and politicisation within the judiciary and public administration make regulating property acquisition and enforcing property rights difficult in Argentina.
The time to be spent and steps a company must go through to register property in Argentina are slightly less cumbersome than in other South American countries, as reported by the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- Registering property in Argentina requires a company to go through 6 administrative steps and takes an average of 52 days at a cost of 7% of the property value.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the protection of property rights in Argentina, including financial assets, a score of 2.7 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'very weak' and 7 'very strong').
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 3% of the households surveyed reported to have paid a bribe to land services in 2008.
TAX ADMINISTRATION
INDIVIDUAL CORRUPTION
The Government of Argentina struggles with high levels of tax evasion among its citizens, which inhibits the government from fully benefiting from a growing private tax base.
According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, individual tax evasion is driven by the public's mistrust of the government, which is again fuelled by the low effectiveness of public services and the after-effects of the corralito (freezing of bank accounts), the set of strict economic measures taken at the end of 2001, in which bank accounts were almost completely frozen and withdrawal of USD was forbidden.
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
Companies report that they experience corruption in tax collection, where they face frequent interaction with tax officials.
According to the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006, companies have more meetings with tax officials in Argentina than in most other countries in the South American region, and some companies report that they expect to give gifts to tax officials in connection with these meetings.
However, according to the World Bank & IFC Doing Business 2011, the number of annual tax payments has fallen considerately since 2006.
According to the US Department of State 2010, national taxation rules treat domestic and foreign companies equally; however, tax authorities do scrutinise tax declarations of foreign companies operating in Argentina with the intent of curbing the use of offshore companies to shelter profits and assets declaration.
This is further highlighted in Global Integrity 2008, where tax laws are assessed as being enforced discriminatorily.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to Javno News, in 2007, former Defence Minister Nilda Garre was questioned over a possible tax evasion case in relation to a government weapons deal.
There were allegations that the weapons were undervalued to avoid customs taxes. The investigation was, however, cancelled.
According to Global Integrity 2008, the head of Administración Federal de Ingresos Públicos (AFIP), the agency responsible for the national tax collection, was removed due to political differences with Custom's head and due to suspicions of corrupt involvement.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- A medium-size company operating in Argentina must make 9 payments to tax authorities every year, taking 453 hours on average at a total tax rate of 108% of profits.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009:
- 1% of households who had contact with tax revenue services throughout 2008 report to have paid a bribe.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the tax revenue authorities a score of 2.6 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- Approximately 49% of companies report that a typical company declares less than 100% of its sales for tax purposes.
- Nearly 44% of companies identify tax administration as a major constraint for doing business.
- Almost 4% of companies report that they expect to give gifts in meeting with tax inspectors.
CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
According to Argentina Country Report 2010 by Credit-to-Cash Advisor, customs administration has been rife with corruption.
Some observers suggest that this situation is changing, but companies should note that others still consider the customs officials at border crossings to be coimeros, i.e. officials who receive bribes.
Business surveys by the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006 report ambiguous figures concerning the ease of clearing exports through customs. However, it is reported that a small proportion of companies give gifts in return for obtaining import licences.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
Global Integrity 2008 reports that customs laws are not enforced equally and without discrimination and the General Audit Office has detected that Customs has several deficiencies in control, which sometimes is related to poor infrastructure.
According to a March 2010 news article by Momento24, the Ezeiza Customs chief, Carlos Mechetti, along with 11 others were arrested for letting illegal merchandise into the Ezeiza airport in return for bribes.
According to Clarin, however, Mechetti was released after having paid a high bail.
According to a May 2010 news article by Merco Press, the opposition deputy Elisa Carrió claimed that to be able to export goods to Venezuela, local businessmen had to pay bribes equivalent to 25% of their exports’ value.
Elisa Carrió further stated that out of that amount, 15% went to Caracas and 10% went directly to Kirchner’s administration in Argentina.
FREQUENCY
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011:
- A standard export shipment of goods requires 9 documents and takes 13 days at an average cost of USD 1,480 per container.
- A standard import shipment of goods requires 7 documents and takes 16 days at an average cost of USD 1,810 per container.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the efficiency of customs procedures (formalities regulating the entry and exit of merchandise) in Argentina a score of 2.7 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'extremely inefficient' and 7 'extremely efficient').
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008:
- Business executives give the customs a score of 3.6 on a 5-point scale (1 being 'not at all corrupt' and 5 'extremely corrupt').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- It takes an average of 5.5 days to clear direct exports through customs.
- It takes an average of 8 days to clear imports from customs.
- Very few (0.6%) companies report that they expect to give gifts in order to obtain an import licence.
PUBLIC PROCUREMENT AND CONTRACTING
BUSINESS CORRUPTION
Although the legal framework for dealing with corruption in public procurement and contracting is largely in place, companies have identified corruption in procurement as a major impediment to trade and investment in Argentina.
According to the World Bank & IFC Enterprise Surveys 2006, more than one-fourth of the companies surveyed reported that they expected to give gifts in order to secure a government contract.
Companies intending to bid on procurement contracts in Argentina should be aware that tender procedures in the provinces have been identified as vulnerable to bribery and nepotism, as reported in Global Integrity Report 2004.
Companies are recommended to use a specialised due diligence public procurement tool in order to mitigate the corruption risks related to public procurement in Argentina.
According to Global Integrity 2008, unsuccessful bidders can challenge procurement decisions in courts; however, companies should take note that Argentinian courts are frequently cited as suffering from high levels of corruption and politicisation, as reported by the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010.
Provisions for the blacklisting of violators of procurement regulations are outlined in Decrees No. 1023/01 and No. 436/00 (both in Spanish).
According to Global Integrity 2008, in practice only small-sized companies are subjected to these laws since many larger companies routinely circumvent blacklisting by changing their financial statements in order to be allowed to participate in future procurement bids.
This makes it very difficult to carry out an effective mechanism to prohibit those companies from participating in future procurement bids.
See more on public procurement under the section on 'Public Anti-Corruption Initiatives'.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
According to the US Department of State 2009, an investigation by the Ministry of Justice's Anti-Corruption Office (ACO) revealed that 75% of the public purchases made by the government of Argentina between 2002 and 2005 were done via direct contracts and not via public tenders, which raised concern over the facilitation of corruption and access to fair competition among providers.
Government officials circumvented procurement rules by disaggregating contract components so that no part exceeded the legally-mandated ARS 10,000 limit for sole sourcing, by writing contracts specifications so that only one provider could meet the requirement or by not advertising tenders.
According to the same source, in December 2008, Siemens AG, a German company, acknowledged that its employees paid government officials in several countries.
One of the confessions was that Siemens' Argentina had bribed government officials in order to obtain a contract for a USD 1 billion national identity card project.
According to a 2009 news article by Reuters, former President Carlos Menem was charged with fraud.
He was accused of taking bribes from a French company, in return for granting a contract to the company in the 1990s.
The case is currently under investigation.
See more on public procurement under the section on 'Public Anti-Corruption Initiatives'.
FREQUENCY
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011:
- Business executives give the diversion of public funds to companies, individuals, or groups due to corruption a score of 2.1 on a 7-point scale (1 being 'very common' and 7 'never occurs').
- Business executives give Argentinean government officials' favouritism towards well-connected companies and individuals when deciding upon policies and contracts a score of 1.9 (1 being 'always show favouritism' and 7 being 'never show favouritism').
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006:
- Nearly 26% of companies expect to give gifts in order to secure a government contract.
- The expected value of a gift for securing a government contract is 2.5% of the value of the contract.
ENVIRONMENT, NATURAL RESOURCES AND EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRY
POLITICAL CORRUPTION
Skanska, a Swedish contracting company, is being investigated for its alleged role in a major corruption scandal in Argentina.
According to several sources such as Unicorn, the court case started in Buenos Aires on 11 April 2008, but is progressing slowly because the case has been passed from judge to judge.
The Buenos Aires office of Skanska is accused of having bribed several high-ranking officials in the government tender agency in order to obtain a contract for the expansion of a natural gas pipeline in northern Argentina.
The head of the tender agency and the director of the national gas company have been dismissed by President Kirchner. Originally starting as a case of tax evasion in which Skanska admitted to having evaded taxes in Argentina totalling almost USD 6 million, the independent Centro de Investigación y Prevención de la Criminalidad Económica (CIPCE, in Spanish) has discovered systematic use of false invoices and mail-order companies that have been used to cover up corruption. Opposition politicians and a judge have accused some government officials and former Economy Minister Felisa Miceli of receiving about USD 25 million in illegal payments for the government contract. The public prosecutor stated that he could prove that the state paid 152% more than market price, and is now seeking evidence that Skanska bribed officials. An internal audit of Skanska revealed that managers of the company had paid 'undue commissions' to unnamed officials to secure the contract. According to a May 2009 news article by Momento24, Skanska has fired seven of its executives who were subsequently arrested. Furthermore Skanska has paid the Argentinean tax authorities USD 5 million.
PUBLIC ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVES
Legislation: Corruption is addressed in the Argentinean Criminal Code (in Spanish), which criminalises attempted corruption, extortion, active and passive bribery, bribery of foreign officials, private sector corruption and money laundering. A public official who accepts money in order to refrain from acting in the exercise of his or her duties can be punished with up to 6 years of imprisonment and permanent removal from his or her duties. Similarly, a judge or minister who accepts any undue advantage can be punished with up to 12 years of imprisonment and permanent removal from his or her duties. Argentina is a State Party to the OECD Convention and has signed and ratified the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption as well as the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC). Furthermore, Argentina has been taking an active role in several anti-corruption initiatives, such as UNCAC’s Conference of State Parties, and the Mechanism for Follow-Up on the Implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Corruption (MESICIC). Additionally, Argentina is also participating in the pilot programme to test methodologies for UNCAC. Consequently, Global Integrity 2008 assesses the legal framework for addressing corruption to be 'very strong'; however the same source also cites a number of legal deficiencies, such as the lack of implementation and enforcement of a specialised law for access to information and the Public Ethics Law, which obliges public officials to declare their assets, as well as formal protection of individuals reporting corruption. According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, after five years in the legislative pipeline, a Freedom of Information Act failed to be passed in 2006. Access the Lexadin World Law Guide for a collection of legislation in Argentina.
Government Strategies: After his 2003 election, former President Mr. Kirchner initially made fighting corruption a priority, and various legal measures were enacted and institutions established in order to curb corruption. According to the US Department of State 2008, the government has been trying to reduce tax evasion since 2006 by stepping up enforcement efforts and encouraging the use of credit card purchases, while at the same time using the media to increase public awareness of tax obligations and to shame evaders. Despite these efforts, tax evasion continues to be pervasive in Argentina, as reported by the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010. Although the legal framework and public entities for fighting corruption are largely in place, anti-corruption has not continued to be a key priority for President Cristina Kirchner. However, on a more positive note, the Government of Argentina participated in a pilot programme to test methodologies for UNCAC implementation review. The corresponding UNODC 2010 country report is the outcome of a peer review process and assesses the implementation of selected UNCAC articles. Participation in the programme and publication of the report was purely voluntary.
Anti-Corruption Agency: The Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish) was established under the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights in accordance with Law No. 2.233 of 1999, and has further been restructured in 2005 (Decree No. 163/2005) and in 2007 (Decree No. 466/2007). The agency is responsible for preparing and coordinating anti-corruption policies as well as investigating cases of corruption. According to UNODC 2010 country report, the agency has investigated between 400-500 cases since 2000, with most of these being related to fraud and incompatibility. Currently, 83 cases are being pursued by the agency as plaintiff; however, none of them have received any final judgement yet. The office's main task is to enforce the provisions of the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, and hence reflects the preventative and punitive aspects of the convention in its institutional design. The office administers the system of asset disclosure records for public officials and has a whistleblower mechanism (in Spanish) on its website. According to the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010, although the office can independently initiate investigations, it depends on the political will in order to initiate certain types of investigations. The office is generally viewed as a credible institution in the fight against corruption and has indeed presented several independently initiated investigations to the courts. However much of its work is undermined by the inefficiency of the judiciary, which often fails to act or follow up on the cases. Furthermore, the head of the anti-corruption agency is politically appointed, which, according to Global Integrity 2008, largely prevents the agency from carrying out its duties independently.
Auditor-General: The Auditoría General de la Nación (AGN, in Spanish) is responsible for assisting the Congress in supervising public sector financial activity and audits public expenditures and administration. Several of its auditing functions are coordinated and undertaken in collaboration with the National General Syndicate Office (SIGEN, in Spanish). The AGN publishes public reports on its findings and is able to make its own investigations. However, Global Integrity 2008 reports that the government rarely acts on its findings, and most of these findings are deemed to be ‘sensitive’ for the government. Moreover, the law does not require the government to act on the AGN’s findings. The main opposition party in the Congress elects the head of the AGN and the agency is a self-governing office. Read more about AGN's mandate, independence and procedures on the website of INTOSAI, the organisation of supreme audit institutions for UN member countries.
Ombudsman: The Defensor del Pueblo de la Nación (in Spanish) was created in 1993 to protect human rights and any other rights and interests protected by the constitution and laws. The institution is protected against political interference by law and according to Global Integrity 2008, this is generally respected in practice. The Ombudsman cannot be removed without justification and no cases of removal without justification have been found. Reports (in Spanish) are issued annually and can be found on the website of the Ombudsman. The website also contains a complaint mechanism (in Spanish) to which any violations of human rights as well as physical abuses can be reported. However, according to Global Integrity 2008, the authorities do not always act on the findings of the Ombudsman, and by law they are only required to answer and give reasons in cases the Ombudsman asks for them. Nevertheless, the Ombudsman is described by the Global Integrity 2008 as 'very strong'.
E-Governance: The official Government of Argentina portal allows individuals and companies to locate useful information on public services. The portal has a guide to obtaining various administrative services in Argentina (in Spanish), many of which are relevant for companies seeking to invest or do business in the country. According to the Follow-Up Mechanism to the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, e-procurement in Argentina is not well-developed. Yet, the government has taken the initial legal steps to make it possible for public agencies and suppliers to communicate and submit bids electronically. Although still in its early stages of development, the Oficina Nacional de Contrataciones (in Spanish) runs a central database for public tenders known as SIPRO.
Public Procurement: Public procurement in Argentina is governed by Decrees No. 436/2000 (in Spanish) and No.1023/2001 (in Spanish), which apply to those contracting procedures to which the federal government, central or decentralised administration is party. Procurements must be published on the website of the Oficina Nacional de Contrataciones (in Spanish), with competitive bidding being required for tenders that exceed ARS 75,000. Nevertheless, Freedom House 2010 describes the Argentine legal framework for government procurement as outdated and inadequate, leaving plenty of room for allegations of corrupt practices. Companies have identified corruption in public procurement as a major obstacle for trade and investment in Argentina. According to Global Integrity 2008, some of the deficiencies of the public procurement regime are the poor public access to results of major procurement bids and the absence of an effective system to prevent companies found guilty of major violations of procurement regulations from participating in future bids. A registry of the companies guilty of corruption in procurement exists, but it is common for blacklisted companies to circumvent this by simply changing their names and continuing to bid on future tenders. Also, conflict of interest regulations for public procurement officials are reportedly not enforced in practice.
Whistle-Blowing: According to a 2008 OECD report, the Defendants and Witnesses Protection National Program Law of 2003 (Law 25.764) establishes a national witness protection programme, although it only applies to 'organized crime' or to 'institutional violence' such as kidnapping, drug trafficking and terrorism. The law does not specifically include foreign bribery and corruption cases. In Argentina, 16 out of the 23 provinces have implemented some sort of witness protection programme, but none have extended to foreign bribery cases. According to Freedom House 2010, there is no adequate law in Argentina to provide protection for whistleblowers, therefore anti-corruption activists and investigators are afraid of reprisals when they report cases of corruption and bribery. Nevertheless, cases of corruption can be reported to the Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish) via its online whistleblower mechanism and the Auditorìa General de la Nación (in Spanish) via e-mail, telephone, or in person. Complaints can also be filed to the Oficina del Defensor del Pueblo de la Nación via e-mail. Hence, Global Integrity 2008 describes whistle-blowing measures in Argentina as 'very weak'.
General Comments on the Public Anti-Corruption Initiatives: It is widely agreed that Argentina has a well-developed legal and institutional framework for dealing with corruption. However, studies and surveys indicate that cumbersome bureaucracy constitutes a problem, which could explain why Argentina often ranks significantly lower than other Latin American countries on various corruption indices. Several observers have cited the centralised political dominance of the Kirchner government as a factor contributing to corruption, as it undermines a system of checks and balances. Some of the public anti-corruption initiatives have not been implemented due to an inefficient judiciary, which is often characterised as corrupt and subject to political influence. Global Integrity 2007 cites a study of 750 cases of corruption, which reveals that trials of this type last an average of 14 years and hardly ever end in convictions. Critics argue that the original initiative of former President Mr. Kirchner's anti-corruption agenda has lost momentum and anti-corruption was not an issue in President Mrs. Kirchner's campaign platform in 2007.
PRIVATE ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVES
Media: According to Freedom House 2010, the Argentinean government occasionally restricts press freedom, despite that freedom of press and of media are protected under the Constitution (Article 14). In 2008, a ruling by the Supreme Court asserted the press's right to criticise government officials, and libel was decriminalised in 2009. However, journalists can still face fines if they are found to engage in wilful slander. Nonetheless that, the Bertelsmann Foundation 2010 reports that independent journalists are still verbally mistreated by officials and funds for state advertising are used to reward media considered friendly towards the government. According to another report from Freedom House 2010, in May 2009, five private media companies were offered to have their tax debts cancelled by President Cristina Kirchner, in return for portraying the Kirchners in a positive light in advertisement campaigns. On the other hand, Argentina’s largest newspaper, Clarin was raided by 200 tax agents in the same year after published a story alleging the improper allocation of a large subsidy by a government farm trade agency. Journalists and editors sometimes 'sell' their coverage in exchange for favours, gifts or money, as reported in Global Integrity 2008. Corruption can be a dangerous issue for journalists to report about. According to a 2008 article from Reporters Without Borders, the radio and newspaper journalist Juan Parada is now under police protection after he received several death threats for exposing corruption involving local court, police and municipal officials in the Neuquén province in May 2008. Furthermore, according to Freedom House 2010, Argentina has one of the highest Internet usage rates in the region with about 30% of the population having access to the Internet. According to the same source, there were no new reports of restrictions on the Internet in 2009, expect from some search results being censored in order to protect celebrities’ privacy. Reporters Without Borders 2010 ranks Argentina ranks 47th out of 175 countries, while Freedom House 2010 ranks the country 100th out of 196 countries in relation to press freedom and describes the press environment as 'partly free'.
Civil Society: The Bertelsmann Foundation 2010 reports that Argentina has a moderate tradition of civil society, but characterises civil society in the country as broadly organised and highly differentiated. The rights to freedom of assembly and associations are generally respected by the government, although some continue to fall victim to the corruption that continues to pervade Argentina’s politics and economy. According to Freedom House 2010, NGOs play a significant role in society in overseeing government policies on various issues, and are occasionally invited to testify or comment on pending bills. Nevertheless, absence of legislative agendas and a lack of information have limited the capacity of NGOs to influence pending bills. Despite the fact that anti-corruption and good governance organisations operate freely, Global Integrity 2008 reports that their relevance in the policy-making process has diminished, although they have received a greater degree of recognition in public opinion and attention from the media. Still, Global Integrity 2008 describes civil society organisations in Argentina as being 'very strong'.
Poder Ciudadano (in Spanish): Poder Ciudadano is the Argentinean chapter of Transparency International, and has undertaken studies of vulnerabilities in public procurement. As a result of a 'Transparency Agreement', Poder Ciudadano has been monitoring the bidding process for the local waste collection services contract in one municipality in 2008 with positive impact in terms of increased transparency and citizen participation (read more about the 'Transparency Agreement'). Poder Ciudadano has successfully influenced public opinion on the issue of corruption, but some of its critical publications have also led to criticism from the government. The organisation has supported the first 'Business Sector Agreement' in Argentina signed by nine water-pipe manufacturers, who have agreed to refrain from engaging in corruption and bribery - a kind of Integrity Pact. Poder Ciudadano has a whistleblower mechanism on its website and maintains a list of institutions that receive complaints about corruption (in Spanish). In September 2009, Poder Ciudadano launched theAdvocacy and Legal Advice Centre (ALAC), to provide free legal advice and assistance to victims and witnesses of corruption, according to a 2009 press release by Transparency International. Poder Ciudadano also publishes annual reports.
http://www.cipce.org.ar/Centro de Investigación y Prevención de la Criminalidad Económica (CIPCE, in Spanish) is an independent organisation dedicated to developing policies to prevent economic crimes. The agency investigates white collar crimes and has been involved in the exposure of a large scale corruption scandal related to the expansion of a natural gas pipeline in northern Argentina.
RESOURCES
The websites listed below provide useful facts on Argentina as well as contacts and tools for companies operating in Argentina:
International Finance Corporation: Latin America & the Caribbean SME Toolkit (in Spanish)
Guide to sustainable business management practices for SMEs.
Business Fighting Corruption
An online resource centre for business on collective action to avoid corruption which contains a guide and resources for partnerships with companies and other stakeholders to fight against corruption.
CIA World Factbook: Argentina Profile
World Bank: Argentina Data Profile
SOURCES FOR FURTHER READING:
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
CONVENTIONS AND INDICES
OECD ANTI-BRIBERY CONVENTION STATUS: ENTRY INTO FORCE OF IMPLEMENTING LEGISLATION 10 NOVEMBER 1999. DEPOSIT OF INSTRUMENT OF RATIFICATION 8 FEBRUARY 2001. ENTRY INTO FORCE 9 APRIL 2001.
This field describes the country's status on the OECD Convention on Bribery of Foreign Officials in International Business Transactions. Please note any declarations and reservations made upon ratification. View the list of signatories to the OECD Convention. Read more about the OECD Convention.
UNCAC STATUS: SIGNED 10 DECEMBER 2003. RATIFIED 28 AUGUST 2006.
This field describes the country's status on the United Nations Convention against Corruption. Please note any declarations and reservations made upon ratification. The list of signatories can be found on the UNODC website. Read more about the UNCAC. The Government of Argentina participated in a pilot programme to test methodologies for UNCAC implementation review. The corresponding Argentina UNCAC Pilot Review Programme Implementation Report 2010 is the outcome of a peer review process and assesses the implementation of selected UNCAC articles. Participation in the programme and publication of the report was purely voluntary.
OTHER RELEVANT CONVENTIONS OR TREATIES:
Inter-American Convention Against Corruption: Signed 28 March 1996. Ratified 4 August 1997.
Read Transparency International's summary and assessment of the convention.
United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime: Signed 12 December 2000. Ratified 19 November 2002.
Read Transparency International's summary and assessment of the convention.
TRANSPARENCY CPI: 2010: 105/178 (SCORE: 2.9)
Transparency CPI
This field consists of the score for the country in question on the Corruption Perceptions Index from Transparency International as well as its ranking.
WORLD BANK CORR INDEX (-2.5 - +2.5): 2009: -0.49
World Bank Corruption Index
This field consists of the score for the country in question on the 'Control of Corruption' indicator in the World Bank Governance Research Indicator Country Snapshot (GRICS): 1996-2009.
OECD COUNTRY RISK CLASSIFICATION (0-7): 2011: 7
Country Risk Classification
The classification of countries by risk category has the aim of providing OECD countries with a basis for calculating the premium interest rate to be charged to cover the risk of non-repayment of export credits. Countries are placed in risk categories 0 - 7, with 0 being the lowest risk category and thus the least expensive. Conversely, premium group 7 is the highest risk category. Each classification is comprised of 2 components: 1) an assessment of the country's economic/financial situation, and 2) its overall political stability. Access the complete list of OECD Country Risk Classification figures.
DATA VERIFICATION:
Publication date: December 2010
Data verified by: Global Advice Network
INFORMATION NETWORK
RELEVANT ORGANISATIONS
Poder Ciudadano (in Spanish)
Fundación Poder Ciudadano
Piedras 547
C1070AAK Buenos Aires
Tel/Fax: +54 11 4331 4925
E-mail:comunicacion(at)poderciudadano.org
National chapter of Transparency International.
Centro de Investigación y Prevención de la Criminalidad Económica (CIPCE, in Spanish)
Talcahuano 256, piso 2
Ciudad de Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4373 6303/04
E-mail: cipce(at)ceppas.org
NGO advocating for the creation/strengthening of policies that prevent economic crimes. The organisation investigates white collar crime.
ICC Argentina
Sarmiento 299
Piso 4to, Office 400
C1041AAE Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4316 7155/7095
Fax: +54 11 4316 7795
(E-mails can be sent from the website)
The national committee of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Argentina.
Oficina Anticorrupción (in Spanish)
Tucumán 394
Código Postal
C1049AAH
Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 5167 6400
E-mail: anticorrupcion(at)jus.gov.ar
Complaints: denuncia(at)jus.gov.ar
The national anti-corruption office. Operates under the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
Subsecretaría de la Pequeña y Mediana Empresa y Desarrollo Regional (in Spanish)
Av. Paseo Colón 189
Planta Baja
1063 Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 0800 333 7963
E-mail: atencionpyme(at)sepyme.gov.ar
Sub-secretariat of the Ministry of Economy and Production with information for small and medium-sized companies.
PARTNER EMBASSIES
Embassy of Denmark (in Spanish)
Avenida Leandro N. Alem 1074, piso 9,
C1001AAS Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4312 6901
Fax: +54 11 4312 7857
E-mail: bueamb(at)um.dk
Embassy.
Embassy of the Netherlands (in Spanish)
Edificio Porteño II,
Olga Cossenttini 831, piso 3
C1107BVA Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4338 0050
Fax: +54 11 4338 0060
E-mail: bue(at)minbuza.nl
Embassy.
Embassy of Norway (in Spanish)
Carlos Pellegrini 1427, 2do piso
C1011AAC Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4328 8717
Fax: +54 11 4328 9048
E-mail: emb.buenosaires(at)mfa.no
Embassy.
Embassy of Sweden (in Spanish)
Embajada de Suecia
Casilla de Correo 3599
C1000WBJ Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4329 0800
Fax: +54 11 4342 1697
E-mail: ambassaden.buenos-aires(at)foreign.ministry.se
Embassy.
British Embassy
British Embassy Buenos Aires
Dr. Luis Agote 2412
1425 Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4808 2200
Fax: +54 11 4808 2274
E-mail: askconsular.baires(at)fco.gov.uk
Embassy.
Embassy of Austria
Calle French 3671
1425 Buenos Aires
Tel: +54 11 4809 5800
Fax: +54 11 4805 4016
(E-mails can be sent from the website)
Embassy.
COUNTRY PROFILE SOURCES
GENERAL INFORMATION SOURCES
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Countries at the Crossroads - Argentina 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2009.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
US Department of State: Human Rights Report - Argentina 2009.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version).
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Gabriele Tondl: Trade, integration and economic development: the EU and Latin America 2008.
Lexadin: The World Law Guide - Legislation Argentina 2008.
The Wall Street Journal: 'Argentina Vows to Repay it's Paris Club Dept', 3 September 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
BBC News: 'Argentina's First Lady Wins Poll', 30 October 2007.
BBC News: 'Key Questions in Argentina's Election', 27 October 2007.
BBC News: 'Q&A: Argentine Election', 25 October 2007.
ABC Internacional: 'Christina Fernandez no quire ser vista como la mujer del presidente', 23 October 2007.
El Pais: 'Imputada la ministra de Defensa Argentina por Contrabando de Armas', 20 July 2007.
Deutche Presse-Argentur: 'Argentinian Minister Resigns after 60,000 dollars found in Bathroom', 17 July 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2006.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
BBC News: Argentina Country Profile.
CORRUPTION LEVELS SOURCES
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
US Department of State: Human Rights Report - Argentina 2009.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version).
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
US Department of State: Human Rights Report - Argentina 2009.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version).
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
POLICE
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
US Department of State: Human Rights Report - Argentina 2009.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version).
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
US Department of State: Human Rights Report - Argentina 2009.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2008 (see English version).
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
LICENCES, INFRASTRUCTURE AND PUBLIC UTILITIES
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2009.
The Argentimes:'Cromañón: Justice at Last?', 10 September 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2008.
Pressureworks: 'Argentina's 'monument to corruption'', 10 January 2007.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
International Rivers Network: Yacyretá Dam.
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2009.
The Argentimes:'Cromañón: Justice at Last?', 10 September 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2008.
Pressureworks: 'Argentina's 'monument to corruption'', 10 January 2007.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
International Rivers Network: Yacyretá Dam.
LAND ADMINISTRATION
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
TAX ADMINISTRATION
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Javno News: 'Argentina Court Probes Minister On Arms Sales', 19 July 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2009.
Transparency International: Bribe Payers Index 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Barometer 2007.
Javno News: 'Argentina Court Probes Minister On Arms Sales', 19 July 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
Credit-to-Cash Advisor: Argentina Country Report 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Merco Press: 'Corruption Claims in Argentine/Venezuelan Trade Involve Néstor Kirchner', 3 May 2010.
Clarin: 'El jefe de la Aduana de Ezeiza pagó una elevada fianza y fue excarcelado', 12 March 2010.
Momento24: 'Ezeiza Customs chief arrested over smuggling case', 12 March 2010.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
The World Bank & IFC: Doing Business 2011.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
Credit-to-Cash Advisor: Argentina Country Report 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2010.
Merco Press: 'Corruption Claims in Argentine/Venezuelan Trade Involve Néstor Kirchner', 3 May 2010.
Clarin: 'El jefe de la Aduana de Ezeiza pagó una elevada fianza y fue excarcelado', 12 March 2010.
Momento24: 'Ezeiza Customs chief arrested over smuggling case', 12 March 2010.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
PUBLIC PROCUREMENT AND CONTRACTING
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2009.
Reuters: 'Argentina's Menem charged with fraud over contract', 23 March 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Reports 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
Poder Ciudadano: Contrataciones Públicas Vulnerables 2006 (in Spanish).
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2004.
World Economic Forum: The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2009.
Reuters: 'Argentina's Menem charged with fraud over contract', 23 March 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Reports 2007.
The World Bank & IFC: Enterprise Surveys 2006.
Poder Ciudadano: Contrataciones Públicas Vulnerables 2006 (in Spanish).
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2004.
ENVIRONMENT, NATURAL RESOURCES AND EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRY
Momento24: 'Argentine sequestration to Swedish constructor Skanska', 8 May 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2008.
El Financiero: 'Ratifican que PDVSA destinó miles de dólores a campaña de Fernández', 1 October 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
BBC News: ''Bribe' in Argentine cash Affair', 18 December 2007.
BBC News: 'Kirchner Denies Illegal Funding', 13 December 2007.
El Pais: 'El Gobierno de Argentina ataca a la oposicion por el 'caso del maletin'', 16 August 2007.
Unicorn: Skanska in Argentina.
Momento24: 'Argentine sequestration to Swedish constructor Skanska', 8 May 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2008.
El Financiero: 'Ratifican que PDVSA destinó miles de dólores a campaña de Fernández', 1 October 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
BBC News: ''Bribe' in Argentine cash Affair', 18 December 2007.
BBC News: 'Kirchner Denies Illegal Funding', 13 December 2007.
El Pais: 'El Gobierno de Argentina ataca a la oposicion por el 'caso del maletin'', 16 August 2007.
Unicorn: Skanska in Argentina.
PUBLIC ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVES SOURCES
UNODC: Argentina UNCAC Pilot Review Programme Implementation Report 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Countries at the Crossroads - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2009.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2009.
OECD: Argentina - Phase 2: Report on Implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2008.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2008.
Lexadin: The World Law Guide - Legislation Argentina 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
Mechanism for Follow-Up on the Implementation of the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption: Republic of Argentina, Final Report 2006.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2005 (see English version).
Entry into Force of Implementing Legislation 10 November 1999.
UNODC: Argentina UNCAC Pilot Review Programme Implementation Report 2010.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Countries at the Crossroads - Argentina 2010.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2009.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2009.
OECD: Argentina - Phase 2: Report on Implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention 2008.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
US Department of State: Investment Climate Statement - Argentina 2008.
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2008.
Lexadin: The World Law Guide - Legislation Argentina 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
Mechanism for Follow-Up on the Implementation of the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption: Republic of Argentina, Final Report 2006.
Latinobarómetro: Annual Report 2005 (see English version).
Entry into Force of Implementing Legislation 10 November 1999.
PRIVATE ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVES SOURCES
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Countries at the Crossroads - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom of the Press - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom of the Press Index 2010.
Reporters Without Borders: Argentina Country Report 2010.
Reporters Without Borders: Worldwide Press Freedom Index 2010.
Transparency International: 'Official Launch of ALAC Argentina. A lighthouse for the civil society against corruption', Press Release, 23 September 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency Watch: Argentina - Transparent Rubbish Collection September/October 2008.
Reporters Without Borders: 'Journalist who Exposed Corruption Harassed and Threatened with Death', 23 September 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
Transparency International: 'Leading Argentinean water-sector companies say no to bribery. Private companies sign first Argentinean business sector agreement', 15 December 2005.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2004.
Global Advice Network Borgergade 111,
DK-1300 Copenhagen K, Denmark
The Bertelsmann Foundation: Transformation Index - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Countries at the Crossroads - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom in the World - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom of the Press - Argentina 2010.
Freedom House: Freedom of the Press Index 2010.
Reporters Without Borders: Argentina Country Report 2010.
Reporters Without Borders: Worldwide Press Freedom Index 2010.
Transparency International: 'Official Launch of ALAC Argentina. A lighthouse for the civil society against corruption', Press Release, 23 September 2009.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2008.
Transparency Watch: Argentina - Transparent Rubbish Collection September/October 2008.
Reporters Without Borders: 'Journalist who Exposed Corruption Harassed and Threatened with Death', 23 September 2008.
Global Integrity: Argentina Country Report 2007.
Transparency International: 'Leading Argentinean water-sector companies say no to bribery. Private companies sign first Argentinean business sector agreement', 15 December 2005.
Transparency International: Global Corruption Report 2004.
Global Advice Network
Borgergade 111, DK-1300 Copenhagen K, Denmark
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